Enduring Disorder and Persistent Poverty: A Review of the Linkages Between War and Chronic Poverty

Goodhand, Jonathan

doi:10.1016/s0305-750x(03)00009-3

Cited by 106 publications

(61 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…This could dramatically reduce the food supply available to poor people. Armed conflict could be in some countries' best interest, which could also aggravate famine (Keller 1992;Waldman 2001;Goodhand 2003). These wars could even evolve into nuclear conflict, which would further impact food supplies.…”

Section: Uncertainty In the Number Of Fatalities Due To A 10 % Agricumentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Other events would not directly affect food production, but still could have similar impacts on human nutrition. Some of these include a conventional world war or pandemic that disrupts global food trade, and the resultant famine caused in food-importing countries (Keller 1992;Waldman 2001;Goodhand 2003). Other issues that do not affect food production directly include overreaction to oil prices, phosphorus prices, nitrogen prices, desertification, salinization, erosion, depletion of aquifers, and slow climate change (Ehrlich and Ehrlich 2013).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Cost-Effectiveness of Interventions for Alternate Food to Address Agricultural Catastrophes Globally

Denkenberger

Pearce

2016

Int J Disaster Risk Sci

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The literature suggests there is about a 1 % risk per year of a 10 % global agricultural shortfall due to catastrophes such as a large volcanic eruption, a medium asteroid or comet impact, regional nuclear war, abrupt climate change, and extreme weather causing multiple breadbasket failures. This shortfall has an expected mortality of about 500 million people. To prevent such mass starvation, alternate foods can be deployed that utilize stored biomass. This study developed a model with literature values for variables and, where no values existed, used large error bounds to recognize uncertainty. Then Monte Carlo analysis was performed on three interventions: planning, research, and development. The results show that even the upper bound of USD 400 per life saved by these interventions is far lower than what is typically paid to save a life in a less-developed country. Furthermore, every day of delay on the implementation of these interventions costs 100-40,000 expected lives (number of lives saved multiplied by the probability that alternate foods would be required). These interventions plus training would save 1-300 million expected lives. In general, these solutions would reduce the possibility of civilization collapse, could assist in providing food outside of catastrophic situations, and would result in billions of dollars per year of return.

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Section: Uncertainty In the Number Of Fatalities Due To A 10 % Agricumentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cost-Effectiveness of Interventions for Alternate Food to Address Agricultural Catastrophes Globally

Denkenberger

Pearce

2016

Int J Disaster Risk Sci

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“…Poor countries with weak capacity are less able to manage negative dynamics (Fearon and Laitin 2003;Goodhand 2003;Picciotto, Olonisakin and Clarke 2006). Weak states are less able to protect themselves against insurgency, to deploy political peaceful means to resolve conflict and prevent its onset, or to resolve local disputes when they arise.…”

Section: Vulnerability To Outbreak Of Violent Conflict: the Socioeconmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rethinking the Policy Objectives of Development Aid: From Economic Growth to Conflict Prevention

Fukuda‐Parr

2007

SSRN Journal

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The current consensus objective of development aid in the international community is to reduce poverty in general and to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in particular. In addition, the dominant view identifies economic growth as the principal means to this end. But the policy objective of aid can be defined in many ways, and has in fact varied over time with shifting priorities within the international community about the ultimate ends of development and the means for advancing those ends. This paper argues that more attention should be given to conflict prevention as a policy objective of development aid and explores the implications of doing so for aid programme priorities and the international aid architecture in general. The paper shows that violent conflict is a major obstacle to achieving the MDGs; it identifies 64 worst performing countries and finds that the majority have experienced violent internal conflict, and/or are vulnerable because of the socioeconomic correlates of internal war. The paper then argues that development policy priorities and their support with aid can be deployed to reduce these risks. Conflict prevention is thus an important policy objective as a means to achieving MDGs as well as an end itself since security from violence is an essential aspect of human wellbeing and human security. Integrating this policy objective would imply adjustments that would need to be made in aid architecture.

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“…Ethnographic studies from different civil wars have demonstrated that institutions-the rules of the game-are very complex in the context of civil wars. These studies go beyond warlord models by seeking to understand the institutions of violence, how violence is embedded in a broader body of rules or an institutional frame, which forms the political economy of war and consists of more than rationally calculating warlords (Keen, 1998;Cramer, 2002;Goodhand, 2003;Korf, 2005Korf, , 2006Korf and Engel, 2006). David Keen's studies from Sudan and Sierra Leone, for example demonstrated how top-down violence coincides with bottom-up violence (Keen, 1998(Keen, , 2000; Paul Richards' research in Sierra Leone indicated how youth inresurrection is tied to ongoing violence (Richards, 1996).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…David Keen's studies from Sudan and Sierra Leone, for example demonstrated how top-down violence coincides with bottom-up violence (Keen, 1998(Keen, , 2000; Paul Richards' research in Sierra Leone indicated how youth inresurrection is tied to ongoing violence (Richards, 1996). Livelihood studies conducted in civil wars revealed how the survival economies of civilians are linked with the 'war' economies of combatants (Goodhand et al, 2000;Collinson, 2003;Korf, 2004Korf, , 2005 and how access to local resources becomes part of the political economy of war (Goodhand, 2003;Korf, 2005;Korf and Engel, 2006;Korf and Fünfgeld, 2006).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Contract or war? On the rules of the game in civil wars

Korf

2007

J of Intl Development

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Economists have developed a number of theories based on warlord or bandit models to explain intra-state conflict or civil war. Ethnographic studies from civil wars, however, suggest that livelihoods and institutions in the context of a war economy are very complex, more complex than those models suggest. This paper reviews concepts that are discussed in the literature on institutions and applies these to an analysis of the emergence and logic of the rules of the game in the political economy of civil wars. The analysis indicates that contracting in civil wars, whether complete or incomplete-and the opportunity to grab (Skaperdas), to loot (Collier) and to exploit others (Hirshleifer)-takes place on many different scales and between different agents, not only among combatants. This creates a complex, dynamic and hybrid institutional amalgam of coercively imposed rules, traditional norms and co-existing formal institutions. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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Enduring Disorder and Persistent Poverty: A Review of the Linkages Between War and Chronic Poverty

Cited by 106 publications

References 14 publications

Cost-Effectiveness of Interventions for Alternate Food to Address Agricultural Catastrophes Globally

Cost-Effectiveness of Interventions for Alternate Food to Address Agricultural Catastrophes Globally

Rethinking the Policy Objectives of Development Aid: From Economic Growth to Conflict Prevention

Contract or war? On the rules of the game in civil wars

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