“…"Newness" may not be absolutely necessary. Mere repetition (Allport and Lepkin 1945;Schwarz et al 2007) or receiving the information from a particularly trustworthy source (Malhotra et al 2012) may increase its impact, even if the information has already been received previously. In addition, if people receiving the information know that others are receiving it as well, it may play a coordinating role that is independent of its novelty.…”
“…"Newness" may not be absolutely necessary. Mere repetition (Allport and Lepkin 1945;Schwarz et al 2007) or receiving the information from a particularly trustworthy source (Malhotra et al 2012) may increase its impact, even if the information has already been received previously. In addition, if people receiving the information know that others are receiving it as well, it may play a coordinating role that is independent of its novelty.…”
“…The cooperating organization coordinates events through email, an impersonal mode of communication that has been found in the past to have no effect on other forms of participation (see Nickerson 2007 on voter turnout; cf. Malhotra, Michelson, and Valenzuela 2012). Furthermore, there are still enough costs in the United States to being publicly identified as having attended an LGBT event that even the leaders of the organization hosting the event predicted that the treatments might actually discourage attendance.…”
What motivates individuals to participate in contentious, political forms of collective action? In this article, I consider the possibility that the promise of social esteem from an ingroup can act as a powerful selective incentive for individuals to participate in contentious politics. I conducted a field experiment—the first to my knowledge to take place in the context of a political march, rally, or social‐identity event—to isolate this esteem mechanism from others. Using measures of intent to attend, actual attendance, and reported attendance at a gay and lesbian pride event in New Jersey, I find evidence that the promise of social esteem boosts all three measures of participation. The article offers new theoretical and practical implications for the study of participation in nonvoting forms of collective action.
“…After dropping the unmatched cases the number of cases in each condition was as follows: Group 1 = 296; Group 2 = 305; Group 3 = 296; Group 4 = 287. significant, in the context of other mobilization experiments this is a substantively significant increase. It is well above the null effect Nickerson (2007) finds for e-mail on a college student sample, larger than the 0.5 to 0.7 point effect Malhotra et al (2012) find in San Mateo County, California, larger than the typical effect of direct mail (Green and Gerber 2008), and similar to effects from volunteer phone calls and text messages (Dale and Strauss 2009). This result is especially important since our test was quite conservative because even those who received the control message were informed about the election.…”
Research on absentee and early voting laws has led many scholars to conclude that these convenience voting methods do little to boost turnout. But most of this work has evaluated these methods well after their implementation and without consideration for how information campaigns about them might alter voter behavior. Voter mobilization research shows that impersonal communications produce little-to-no effect on turnout. But we know much less about how mobilization might influence changes in the method of voting. Using a field experiment during the 2010 midterm primary and general elections in Maryland, we demonstrate that e-mail messages with concise subject lines that appeal to relevant reference groups combined with an easy-to-use electronic absentee ballot delivery system, increase the likelihood that overseas voters will use a new technology when they participate in elections. Our findings have scholarly and practical implications for election reform, campaign communications, and voter mobilization.
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