Ellipsis as obliteration: Evidence from Bengali negative allomorphy

Banerjee, Neil

doi:10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4692

Cited by 4 publications

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References 8 publications

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“…On this proposal, divisible portmanteaux are the result of two cases of contextual allomorphy, which follow Impoverishment. The analysis is that of Banerjee (2020), where the negative perfect ni is actually the exponent of negation in the context of a silent perfect, while the perfect has a zero allomorph in the context of negation. The vocabulary items required are listed in (15).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Two ways to form a portmanteau: Evidence from ellipsis

Banerjee

2021

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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Bengali negation forms a portmanteau in two cases: with present tense existential copulas and with all perfects. However, ellipsis of the complement of negation treats these two portmanteaux differently. While the negative perfect can be separated by ellipsis into sentential negation and a silenced perfect, the negative present existential cannot be likewise split, even though ellipsis of copulas is generally permitted. This project proposes the existence of two different ways to form portmanteaux and shows that ellipsis deletion is derivationally timed differently with respect to each in order to capture the patterns of elliptical divisibility.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Two ways to form a portmanteau: Evidence from ellipsis

Banerjee

2021

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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Inward and Outward Allomorph Selection

Rolle

2023

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Morphology

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This entry provides an overview of directionality relations in allomorphy selection. One type is ‘inward conditioning’, where the trigger is in a structurally outer position compared to the target of allomorphy (i.e. it is further away from the lexical head of the construction). This type can also be referred to as ‘outward sensitivity’. Its counterpart is ‘outward conditioning’, where it is the trigger which is in an inner position and the target in an outer position (it can also be referred to as ‘inward sensitivity’). A number of typologically diverse cases are presented to illustrate directional asymmetries in allomorphy selection. One robust generalization involves ‘grammatically conditioned allomorphy’, in which the trigger is a morphosyntactic feature (e.g. [ plural ]), feature bundle (e.g. [ 3.sg.fem ]), or category (e.g. [ tense ]). In this type of allomorphy, both inward conditioning and outward conditioning are widespread, showing a clear directional symmetry. In contrast, other types of allomorphy such as ‘lexically conditioned’ (the trigger is a particular lexical root), ‘morphologically conditioned’ (a purely morphological feature, e.g. conjugation class) and ‘phonologically conditioned allomorphy’ show a clear directional asymmetry. Here, allomorph selection almost always involves outward conditioning, in other words, the trigger is in an inner position. Cases of inward conditioning are rare and controversial. Taken all together, the propensity for triggers to be inward compared to targets is called the ‘directional asymmetry in allomorphy selection’.

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Output-conditioned and non-local allomorphy in Armenian theme vowels

Dolatian

2022

The Linguistic Review

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Cross-linguistically, it is difficult to tease apart allomorphy from readjustment rules. But regardless, both tend to respect locality and are sensitive to information that is present in the input, not the output. We document a counter-example to these tendencies from Western Armenian, and we discuss how the data falsifies such restrictive models of allomorphy. The Western Armenian theme vowel -i- changes to the theme vowel -e- due to two types of triggers. The first type of trigger is phonological: the change happens when the theme vowel is unstressed in the output. This is a type of allomorphy that is conditioned by output phonology. The second type of trigger is morphological: the change happens when the verb is in the past tense. The +Past morpheme can be either in the verb (adjacent to the theme vowel) or on a separate auxiliary in periphrasis. This amounts to a case of long-distance allomorphy that is conditioned across words, even in suspended affixation. For suspended affixation, I provide semantic and prosodic evidence that suspended affixation is created via base-generation and not via ellipsis. The inability to use ellipsis acts as additional evidence that the allomorphy is long-distance.

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Ellipsis as obliteration: Evidence from Bengali negative allomorphy

Cited by 4 publications

References 8 publications

Two ways to form a portmanteau: Evidence from ellipsis

Two ways to form a portmanteau: Evidence from ellipsis

Inward and Outward Allomorph Selection

Output-conditioned and non-local allomorphy in Armenian theme vowels

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