Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards Austerity Policies and their Consequences in Greece and Portugal

Teperoglou, Eftichia; Freire, André; Andreadis, Ioannis; Viegas, José

doi:10.1080/13608746.2014.983306

Cited by 43 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 33 publications

(18 reference statements)

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Not surprisingly, Greeks blamed their economic crisis on the two political parties that had been governing the country since the restoration of democracy in 1974: the social democratic Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), and the centre-right New Democracy (Teperoglou et al 2014). Not by chance, a number of new populist parties emerged on the left and the right that framed the crisis as an elite conspiracy against the Greek people 3 .…”

Section: Case Selectionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Activation of Populist Attitudes

2018

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.

show abstract

Section: Case Selectionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Activation of Populist Attitudes

2018

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The austerity policies implemented during the 2009 economic crisis aggravated the crisis of representative democracies, increasing the gap between policy positions of voters and representatives (Traber et al, 2018). This was particularly relevant in the most severely hit countries, such as Portugal or Greece, and in relation to issues such as European integration or austerity policies (Freire et al, 2014a;Freire et al, 2014b;Teperoglou et al, 2014). In turn, the crisis appears to have enhanced MP-voter congruence among (radical) left-wing parties when it comes to redistribution and social protection issues (Belchior et al, 2016), not affecting the (relatively high) levels of congruence in terms of positioning on the left-right ideological scale (Freire and Correia, 2020).…”

Section: Political and Ideological Congruence In Portugalmentioning

confidence: 99%

Parties and Political Representation

Belchior

Teixeira

2022

The Oxford Handbook of Portuguese Politics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

How has the topic of representation been studied empirically in Portugal? Which main results have been reached? This chapter focuses on the party-voter linkage and aims at mapping the study of party representation in Portugal. On the one hand, we systematize the most relevant research contributions on the topic; on the other hand, we update and consolidate the findings on the most important trends that have been identified so far. The analysis comprises four main lines of research studies on the subject in Portugal: on political and ideological congruence; on promises fulfilment; on political agendas; and on roles of representation. The general conclusion, aligned with the findings of the international research, is that there is a prevalence of reasonable and quite stable levels of correspondence between parties and electorates.

show abstract

“…The polarization index for the blame-foreigners dimension is rather low (0.10), indicating that most citizens are on the same side, that is, they agree on blaming foreign actors and institutions. The harsh austerity measures enforced under the bailout agreements are the main reason for the generally negative attitude toward the bailout and for blaming the EU and other foreign actors, especially since, as Teperoglou et al (2014) have demonstrated, all Greek political parties that have elected members in the Greek parliament have encouraged this view (for more details about blame-shifting to the EU, see Teperoglou and Andreadis 2012).…”

Section: Polarization Beyond the Established Party System: New Challementioning

confidence: 99%

Dynamics of Polarization in the Greek Case

Andreadis¹,

Stavrakakis²

2018

The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Scie

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article focuses on the dynamics of polarization emerging within Greek political culture in the postauthoritarian setting. Following a brief historical framing, we trace Left–Right polarization between the two major parties of the period: Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and New Democracy (ND). The party-based polarization of PASOK/ND was arguably the main axis of political antagonism in Greece from the 1970s until the end of the 2000s. By 2009, polarization had ebbed due to an ideological convergence of the two parties toward the center, but the onset of the 2009 economic crisis dislocated the established two-party system and facilitated the emergence of a new political landscape comprising many new political actors, most notably the Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA. Using a predominantly quantitative methodology, we focus on a set of dimensions of polarization brought forward or re-activated within the context of economic crisis.

show abstract

Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards Austerity Policies and their Consequences in Greece and Portugal

Cited by 43 publications

References 33 publications

The Activation of Populist Attitudes

The Activation of Populist Attitudes

Parties and Political Representation

Dynamics of Polarization in the Greek Case

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About