Elite perceptions of anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine

Grødeland, Åse B.

doi:10.1080/17440571003669241

Cited by 20 publications

(18 citation statements)

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“…This might have made an impact on the respondents in Khabarovsk: the results of combating corruption were visible. Students in Lviv, on the contrary, might be disappointed from the recent and ongoing reforms aiming to combat corruption in the country (see, for example, discussions in [Grødeland, 2010;The Economist, 2015]) and could be rather skeptical about a small anti-corruption campaign organized at the university by distributing flyers. Moreover, we simply asked our respondents about their willingness to participate in the campaign; we did not actually organize and run it.…”

Section: Methods and Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Do Anti-Corruption Educational Campaigns Reach Students? Some Evidence from Russia and Ukraine

Denisova‐Schmidt

Huber

Leontyeva

2016

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Abstract. The authors investigate the effect of anti-corruption educational materials -an informational folder with materials designed by Transparency International -on the willingness of students to participate in an anti-corruption campaign and their general judgment about corruption in two cities in Russia and Ukraine by conducting experiments. During a survey of 350 students in Khabarovsk, Russia, and 600 students in Lviv, Ukraine, young people were randomly exposed to either a folder with information about the negative effects of corruption in general and in the higher education system in particular (treatment group), or a folder with information irrelevant to corruption (control group). The effects were statistically significant in the total sample in Khabarovsk and only in some social groups in Lviv. The results might be interesting not only for scholars, but also for policy makers and practitioners.

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Section: Methods and Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Do Anti-Corruption Educational Campaigns Reach Students? Some Evidence from Russia and Ukraine

Denisova‐Schmidt

Huber

Leontyeva

2016

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“…Since its independence in 1991, Ukraine has gone through two revolutions − the Orange Revolution in 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 -and in both cases, one of the catalysts was the fight against corruption. Yet reforms aiming to combat corruption have arguably not resulted in important changes (see for instance Grødeland (2010) for an evaluation of the post-2004 period and The Economist (2015) for a more recent assessment). As an illustration, Geoffrey Pyatt, US Ambassador to Ukraine, is cited in Åslund (2015) as claiming that actors working for Ukrainian national agencies who are responsible for the implementation of anti-corruption changes are in fact 'making things [even] worse by openly and aggressively undermining reform[s]'.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

An experimental evaluation of an anti-corruption intervention among Ukrainian university students

Denisova‐Schmidt

Huber

Prytula

2015

Eurasian Geography and Economics

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“…As such it is argued that due to political and economic obstacles and resistance from oligarchs, the implementation of these laws usually faces decades-long, insurmountable challenges (Aslund 2005;Kuzio 2012). According to the literature, the reason for this is that the Ukrainian oligarchs or elites selectively support these new laws (Aliyev 2016;Grødeland 2010;Malygina 2010;Puglisi 2003). In other words, they back those that work for them and resist the laws that make the further accumulation of wealth difficult.…”

Section: New Legal and Regulatory Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ukraine’s unfinished natural gas and electricity reforms: one step forward, two steps back

Bayramov

Marusyk

2019

Eurasian Geography and Economics

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This paper seeks to explain Ukraine's natural gas and electricity sector reforms, to outline the challenges facing these two sectors going forwards and to identify prospects for renewables. It makes three core arguments: First, the regulatory templates promoted by the European Union do not lend themselves to swift implementation. This is because the EU's approach has been supply-driven, in the sense that it exports regulatory templates already developed within the EU; it is not, therefore, a suitable problemsolving measure for a crisis-stricken country with limited capacities and powerful vested interests. Second, there has been very slow progress made in innovative and creative shifts in Ukrainian energy transition policy, showing a lack of commitment to the transformation and modernisation of energy systems that should in principle be based on the promotion of new business models backed up by reformed political, regulatory and industrial infrastructures. Third, Ukrainian elites have been formally open to the flow of rules as evidenced by a number of agreements concluded between the EU and Ukraine. But, in practice, the preexisting, deep-seated preferences of those elites have perpetuated the opaque gas trading system, resulting in them being very selective about the rules that they are actually prepared to adopt.

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Elite perceptions of anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine

Cited by 20 publications

References 0 publications

Do Anti-Corruption Educational Campaigns Reach Students? Some Evidence from Russia and Ukraine

Do Anti-Corruption Educational Campaigns Reach Students? Some Evidence from Russia and Ukraine

An experimental evaluation of an anti-corruption intervention among Ukrainian university students

Ukraine’s unfinished natural gas and electricity reforms: one step forward, two steps back

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