Electoral manipulation, opposition power, and institutional change: Contesting for electoral reform in Singapore, Malaysia, and Cambodia

Ong, Elvin

doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2018.05.006

Cited by 21 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 61 publications

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“…Tingkat persaingan tidak hanya mempengaruhi tingkat korupsi yang dilakukan oleh para petahana, tetapi juga akan sangat menentukan upaya partai politik dalam menetralkan usaha manipulasi dari lawannya. Pengalaman di beberapa tempat seperti di negara-negara paska-Soviet (Baghdasaryan dkk., 2018), Singapura (Ong, 2018), dan Zimbabwe (Bratton dkk., 2016) (Casas dkk., 2017). Bahkan, electoral fraud kerap dilakukan dengan melibatkan peran dan asesmen aktor-aktor pada tingkatan lokal, utamanya penyelenggara pemilu di daerah (Sjoberg, 2016).…”

Section: Malpraktik Pemilu Sebagai Bentuk Korupsiunclassified

Malpraktik Pemilu dan Korupsi: Analisis terhadap Proses Penghitungan dan Rekapitulasi pada Pemilu Indonesia 2019

Husin

Pratama²,

Prasetyo

et al. 2021

Integritas: J. Antikorupsi

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Penelitian ini mencoba untuk mengkaji hubungan antara malpraktik pemilu dengan korupsi dengan berfokus pada analisis terhadap penyimpangan di dalam proses penghitungan dan rekapitulasi suara pada Pemilu Indonesia 2019, dengan fokusan pemilihan legislatif. Penelitian ini mencoba mengisi kekosongan literatur yang mengkaji malpraktik pemilu di Indonesia yang lebih banyak dilihat pada tahapan kampanye ketimbang tahapan penghitungan dan rekapitulasi suara di mana peran penyelenggara pemilu menjadi sangat sentral. Untuk menganalisis hal tersebut, penelitian ini menganalisis secara lebih spesifik pada keterlibatan Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) sebagai penyelenggara pemilu di dalam malpraktik pemilu. Menggunakan metode analisis dokumen dan studi kasus, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa tahapan rekapitulasi suara, khususnya pada tingkat kecamatan, merupakan fase paling rawan terjadinya malpraktik pemilu di mana keterlibatan penyelenggara pemilu ad-hoc dan saksi kandidat memiliki peran penting di sana.

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Section: Malpraktik Pemilu Sebagai Bentuk Korupsiunclassified

Malpraktik Pemilu dan Korupsi: Analisis terhadap Proses Penghitungan dan Rekapitulasi pada Pemilu Indonesia 2019

Husin

Pratama²,

Prasetyo

et al. 2021

Integritas: J. Antikorupsi

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“…Even if rulers manipulate electoral boundaries and district magnitudes during electoral periods, malapportionment is not blatant in the sense that it attempts to bias election results not through relentlessly thwarting opposition's election campaigns (as well as lowering their vote shares by fraud) but through reapportionment and redistricting. Along this line, Ong (2018: 162) asserts that malapportionment is a highly obscure electoral manipulation technique that requires a large amount of pre-existing knowledge to comprehend it and thus is less salient to voters. Therefore, high levels of malapportionment are less risky and less likely to be followed by protest movements.…”

Section: Blatant Electoral Fraud and The Value Of A Votementioning

confidence: 99%

“…2 However, blatant electoral manipulation is also a risky strategy: it is overtly illegal and undemocratic, which undermines the incumbent's political legitimacy. Both electoral violence and election cheating damage popular perceptions about the fairness of elections and thus can invoke popular protests which can often be violent and destructive (Ong, 2018). Much research has shown that blatant electoral manipulation backfires on political leaders.…”

Section: Blatant Electoral Fraud and The Value Of A Vote 31 Effect Of Malapportionment On Individual Use Of Cheating And Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

Blatant electoral fraud and the value of a vote

Higashijima

2021

Japanese Journal of Political Science

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This paper explores the relationship between malapportionment and blatant electoral fraud. Although blatant electoral fraud enables incumbents to win elections, it may undermine legitimacy and provoke protests. Malapportionment also helps the incumbent succeed by assigning larger portions of seats to party strongholds, yet its key features differ from electoral fraud. Because malapportionment neither involves coercion nor overt fraud, it is less likely to be followed by reactionary protests. But, it is an inflexible electioneering strategy, because reapportionment leads to difficult coordination problems among ruling legislators. Cross-national statistical analyses of 98 countries (1993–2012) show that, although malapportionment does not affect whether leaders use election violence and electoral cheating, political leaders become less dependent upon the simultaneous use of these fraudulent strategies when high levels of malapportionment are already endowed. The results suggest that although governments might continue to use specific types of blatant electoral fraud even when the levels of malapportionment are high, malapportionment allows governments to be more selective with combining different methods of blatant electoral fraud.

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“…Fundamentally, elections in non-democratic regimes may give the opposition an opportunity to challenge and possibly remove incumbents, despite the unfavorable odds and low success rate. If the regime miscalculates its popularity, elections could become a crippling tool to undercut the regime (Ong, 2018). Lindberg (2007) further argued that when such regimes offer the citizens the opportunity to vote, even in a controlled election or is vulnerable to massive fraud, citizens can contemplate their participatory role as voters, putting some form of belief that the regime should be accountable to the people rather than treating the people as mere subjects of the regime.…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Post UMNO-BN era: Electoral authoritarianism and the change of regime in Malaysia

Kinn

Guan

2020

GEOGRAFIA

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This paper aims to examine regime change in Malaysia post-GE14. It employs the notion of electoral authoritarianism to understand the importance of elections in legitimizing authoritarian rule. As the UMNO-BN regime employed higher levels of electoral authoritarianism over the years, the people began to put pressure on the regime by demanding for greater accountability, transparency and inclusivity. The outcome of the 14 th General Election demonstrated the people's power and was a crucial first step in restoring the democratic system and ending the political dominance of the UMNO-BN. Yet, more recent political developments in the country, amid Covid-19 pandemic, have raised the concerns of how fragile the situation of regime change is. Based on a qualitative method and analyses from in-depth interviews, this paper argues that while regime change was unexpectedly short-lived, the power exercised by the electorates in the GE-14 has not only substantially weakened the once dominant UMNO-BN coalition but also indirectly contributed to new political partnerships and manoeuvrings in an attempt to remain relevant.

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Electoral manipulation, opposition power, and institutional change: Contesting for electoral reform in Singapore, Malaysia, and Cambodia

Cited by 21 publications

References 61 publications

Malpraktik Pemilu dan Korupsi: Analisis terhadap Proses Penghitungan dan Rekapitulasi pada Pemilu Indonesia 2019

Malpraktik Pemilu dan Korupsi: Analisis terhadap Proses Penghitungan dan Rekapitulasi pada Pemilu Indonesia 2019

Blatant electoral fraud and the value of a vote

Post UMNO-BN era: Electoral authoritarianism and the change of regime in Malaysia

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