Electoral Data for Counties in the United States: Presidential and Congressional Races, 1840-1972

Clubb, Jerome M.; Flanigan, William H.; Zingale, Nancy H.

doi:10.3886/icpsr08611

Cited by 24 publications

(37 citation statements)

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“…In short, the OEO director could largely do as the administration pleased after 1965. 6 Using newly assembled data on individual roll-call votes in the House and Senate (ICPSR 2010), measures of Democratic electoral strength (Clubb, Flanigan, and Zingale 2006), and economic and demographic characteristics (Adler undated) we find that party identity is the most important determinant of a favorable vote on the EOA. Southern Democrats were less likely to vote for the EOA than Democrats of other census regions, but were more likely to cast a favorable vote than Republicans from any region.…”

Section: The Radical Provisions and Financial Stakes Of The Economic mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Our analysis draws upon estimates by Jerome Clubb, William Flanigan, and Nancy Zingale (2006) of House election voter turnout and share of votes for Democrats by county using a panel version of equation 2 which omits the political variables and includes state-by-year fixed effects,…”

Section: Correlations Of Oeo Spending With Electoral Outcomesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Smaller point lines mark pointwise 95-percent confidence intervals. Sources: Estimated voter turnout and Democratic vote share fromClubb, Flanigan, and Zingale (2006). Household income < $3,000 and nonwhite shares fromHaines (2010).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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How Johnson Fought the War on Poverty: The Economics and Politics of Funding at the Office of Economic Opportunity

Bailey¹,

Duquette²

2014

J. Econ. Hist.

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This article presents a quantitative analysis of the geographic distribution of spending through the 1964 Economic Opportunity Act (EOA). Using newly assembled state- and county-level data, the results show that the Johnson administration directed funding in ways consistent with the War on Poverty's rhetoric of fighting poverty and racial discrimination: poorer areas and those with a greater share of nonwhite residents received systematically more funding. In contrast to New Deal spending, political variables explain very little of the variation in EOA funding. The smaller role of politics may help explain the strong backlash against the War on Poverty's programs.

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Section: The Radical Provisions and Financial Stakes Of The Economic mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Correlations Of Oeo Spending With Electoral Outcomesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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How Johnson Fought the War on Poverty: The Economics and Politics of Funding at the Office of Economic Opportunity

Bailey¹,

Duquette²

2014

J. Econ. Hist.

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“…Information on the share voting for Strom Thurmond in the 1948 presidential election comes from the Electoral Data for Counties in the United States (Clubb et al, 2006). Again, changes in the geographic definition of Virginia cities had to be dealt with.…”

Section: E County-level Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

From Brown to busing

Cascio

Gordon

Lewis

et al. 2008

Journal of Urban Economics

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“…I merged these data with vote totals for the Liberty and Free Soil presidential candidates in 1844 and 1848, along with major party vote totals and turnout. These election data were obtained from ICPSR (Clubb, Flanigan, and Zingale, 2006). 5 Across all northern states, the lowest level of data available is that at the county‐level, so the county is the unit of analysis for this study 6…”

Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Racial Threat or Racial Contact? How Race Affected Third‐Party Presidential Voting in the Antebellum North^*

Chamberlain¹

2011

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective. In this study, the “racial threat” and “racial contact” hypotheses are evaluated in relation to voting for the Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the North during the 1840s. Methods. Regression models are used to predict the effect of county‐level black populations on Liberty and Free Soil vote percentages in relation to types of employment. Results. Racial threat occurred in high manufacturing counties, but racial contact/threat emerged in more agricultural counties. The effects vary by party and region of the North. Conclusion. The effects of racial context on political behavior during this era are mixed, much like modern political studies have uncovered.

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Electoral Data for Counties in the United States: Presidential and Congressional Races, 1840-1972

Cited by 24 publications

References 0 publications

How Johnson Fought the War on Poverty: The Economics and Politics of Funding at the Office of Economic Opportunity

How Johnson Fought the War on Poverty: The Economics and Politics of Funding at the Office of Economic Opportunity

From Brown to busing

Racial Threat or Racial Contact? How Race Affected Third‐Party Presidential Voting in the Antebellum North^*

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Electoral Data for Counties in the United States: Presidential and Congressional Races, 1840-1972

Cited by 24 publications

References 0 publications

How Johnson Fought the War on Poverty: The Economics and Politics of Funding at the Office of Economic Opportunity

How Johnson Fought the War on Poverty: The Economics and Politics of Funding at the Office of Economic Opportunity

From Brown to busing

Racial Threat or Racial Contact? How Race Affected Third‐Party Presidential Voting in the Antebellum North*

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About

Racial Threat or Racial Contact? How Race Affected Third‐Party Presidential Voting in the Antebellum North^*