Elections in times of neo-coupism and populism: A short essay on Brazil's right-wing presidential candidates' plans for governance and their proposals for gender and Afro-Brazilians

Abstract

In October 2018, Brazil held general elections in which new senators, federal representatives, state representatives, governors, and the new president of the republic were chosen. The singularity of the context surrounding the elections is evident: the call occurred two years after a presidential impeachment linked to a state coup which consolidated the ascent of populist forces from the right and which initiated a series of regressions in social rights, criminalization of progressive activism, and increase of police violence. As a result, in the presidential elections, populist candidates and discourses of hate became popular, targeting historically marginalized social groups within the country (women, African-Brazilians, LGBTQIs – Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transgenders, Queers, Intersex – working class, rural communities, and the indigenous populations). This essay examines the presidential proposals or positions towards the aforementioned groups, paying particular attention to speeches of right-populist candidates, especially those made by Jair Bolsonaro, chosen in a runoff election.

The role of blogs in restoring the self-integrity of women victims of intimate partner sexual violence

“…, 2016). It is also paramount to notice that the right-populist government that took power in January 2019 represents a “profound regression of rights and the recrudescence of injustices, inequalities, and the daily violence against women” (Rangel and Vinhaes Dultra, 2019).…”

“…Moreover, most of the cases do not come out in public sphere, and many of them do not result in a police investigation (Lima et al, 2016). It is also paramount to notice that the right-populist government that took power in January 2019 represents a "profound regression of rights and Role of blogs for women of sexual violence the recrudescence of injustices, inequalities, and the daily violence against women" (Rangel and Vinhaes Dultra, 2019).…”

Statecraft under God: Radical Right Populism meets Christian Nationalism in Bolsonaro’s Brazil

“…86 Afro-Brazilians were also targeted, in declarations that ranged from veiled to explicit racism. 87 At his rallies, Bolsonaro accused Afro-Brazilians living in quilombos 88 blamed Africans for slave trafficking. 89 In a tweet the day after inauguration, Bolsonaro 90 suggested Indigenous and Afro-Brazilian communities did not belong to the 'real Brazil'.…”

“…The 'real Brazilians' are only those who, besides being born in the nation, believe in the same Christian God, inherited from European culture, and share the same conservative moral code, loosely drawn from the Bible. During the campaign, Bolsonaro was able to capture the grievances and discontent of the average Brazilian -against the Workers' Party, corruption, so-called 'gender ideology', political correctness, women's empowerment, and so forth 98 -and wrap them up in an anti-elitist and redemptive discourse, 99 with strong religious overtones 100 that spread across social media.…”

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“…Increasingly, in liberal democracies like the US, France, the UK, Italy and Germany, we observe profound social and cultural polarisations accompanied by distrust of the neutrality of political, scientific and economic elites (Manow, 2019;Rudolph, 2019;Müller, 2016;Levitsky and Zieblatt, 2019). In other countries like Hungary, Brazil, Russia, China and Turkey (Dultra and Rangel, 2019;Devi, 2019;Karakaşoğlu and Tonbul, 2015), universities and scientists are under overt pressure, with authoritarian governments having direct influence on research agendas, academics and higher-education policies and institutions. 2 Yet, in a dramatic manner, the beginning of our current decade has underlined that the world is one, at least in facing global challenges.…”