El incumplimiento en el pago de las pensiones alimenticias, el bienestar de los hogares y el contexto legal vigente en Uruguay

Bucheli, Marisa; Cabella, Wanda

doi:10.31406/relap2009.v3.i1.n4-5.3

Cited by 8 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 9 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…These changes have led to a huge growth of single‐parent families, predominantly headed by women. After a separation or divorce, women typically lose an important source of income that is unlikely to be supplemented by child maintenance costs from low‐wage‐earning fathers (Bucheli and Cabella ). Nevertheless, there is evidence in the broader Latin American literature to suggest that women may experience certain qualitative benefits from the absence of male partners in the household.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Third‐way neoliberalism and conditional cash transfers: The paradoxes of empowerment, participation and self‐help among poor Uruguayan women

Corboz

2013

Australian J of Anthropology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The Latin American literature on Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) welfare programs has typically involved the quantitative evaluation of social and economic impact, with fewer studies addressing the qualitative and gendered impacts of CCTs. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork in poor squatter settlement communities in Uruguay, this article explores the everyday social realities of poor single mothers who have been disconnected from their kinship networks and must rely on CCT payments for survival. I locate these women's experiences within the third‐way neoliberal discourses of ‘empowerment’, ‘participation’ and ‘self‐help’ espoused by the state, and the various structural conditions, including crime, violence and unequal gender relations, that impact negatively on women's abilities to comply with their social and civic duties. I argue that rather than producing responsible and empowered subjects, Uruguay's recent CCT welfare program has paradoxically limited some women's participation in civic and public life and reproduced their dependent relations with men.

show abstract

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Third‐way neoliberalism and conditional cash transfers: The paradoxes of empowerment, participation and self‐help among poor Uruguayan women

Corboz

2013

Australian J of Anthropology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…We addressed this issue with a two-fold approach. First, we relied on existing studies to describe the schemes of Uruguay (Bucheli & Cabella, 2009), Colombia (Cuesta & Meyer, 2012), and Peru (Ríos-Salas & Meyer, 2014). Second, we conducted a systematic review of current child support legislation to describe the schemes of Guatemala, 4 Panama, 5 and Paraguay.…”

Section: Child Support Policy Schemes In Latin Americamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…If the child was born to unmarried parents, the request for intervention is typically initiated by the resident parent (i.e., the parent who is living with the child after union dissolution), and legal paternity must be established before child support arrangements can take place. Evidence for Uruguay suggests that costs associated with legal counseling and representation can be a barrier to requesting the intervention of the child support policy scheme in court‐based systems, especially among low‐income families (Bucheli & Cabella, ). The second task, child support order establishment and revision, is conducted by judges who must consider the following factors: the child's age, the number of children involved in the case, whether the children have special needs, and the socioeconomic situation of the families involved in the case.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…There are no numerical guidelines to calculate the amount of support that is ordered, as there are in some developed countries. The only parameter included in child support legislation of Panama and Uruguay (Bucheli & Cabella, ) is that child support orders cannot exceed 50% of the nonresident parent's wage. The legislation of Panama also establishes that the amount of child support provided by each parent should be equal, regardless of parent's economic circumstances.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

The antipoverty effectiveness of child support: Empirical evidence for Latin American countries

2018

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In this article we examine the role of child support in the economic well‐being of children in single‐parent families in Latin America. We use the Luxembourg Income Study wave IX and the 2012 Colombian Quality of Life Survey to answer three questions: (1) Are children in single‐parent families more likely to be poor than children in two‐parent families? (2) What is the relative importance of different income sources in the income packages of these families? and (3) Are child support transfers improving the economic well‐being of children in single‐parent families? Our results show that children in single‐parent families are disproportionally poor relative to two‐parent families in Brazil, Colombia, Panama, Paraguay, and Uruguay. For other countries, poverty rates are similar (Guatemala and Peru), or higher in two‐parent families than single‐parent families (Mexico). Labor income is the most important income source for both types of families in all of these countries. However, child support represents between 20% and 39% of total income among families receiving this transfer. The largest antipoverty effectiveness of child support is also observed among these families. Child support brings between 30% and 55% of children receiving this transfer out of poverty.

show abstract

“…De acuerdo con las cifras que arroja la Encuesta de Situaciones Familiares (ESF, 2001), 58% de los padres separados no brinda aporte alguno al hogar donde vive su ex cónyuge, y cuanto menor es el nivel de ingresos del padre y más precaria su inserción en el mercado de trabajo, menor es la probabilidad de que cumpla con sus obligaciones financieras después de la ruptura (Bucheli y Cabella, 2005;Bucheli, 2003), de donde se desprende que las mujeres que se hallan en peores condiciones económicas son las que se ven más perjudicadas por la pérdida de un aportante cuando ocurre la ruptura. Sin embargo, cuando los padres cooperan económicamente con su ex hogar, el bienestar económico de sus hijos no presenta diferencias relevantes respecto al bienestar de los niños que conviven con sus dos progenitores (Bucheli y Cabella, 2005).…”

Section: ¿Hay Una Segunda Transición Demográfica En Uruguay?unclassified

Dos décadas de transformaciones de la nupcialidad uruguaya. La convergencia hacia la segunda transición demográfica / Two Decades of Transformations of Uruguayan Marriage Patterns. The Convergence towards the Second Demographic Transition

Cabella

2009

EDU

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

El objetivo de este artículo es presentar las principales tendencias de la nupcialidad uruguaya durante las últimas dos décadas. Si bien el trabajo se apoya en las grandes líneas explicativas de la segunda transición demográfica (STD) para interpretar la evolución de los distintos indicadores de la vida familiar, su carácter es básicamente descriptivo.Con un desfasaje temporal de aproximadamente dos décadas, la nupcialidad uruguaya experimentó transformaciones similares a las que se presentaron en los países desarrollados desde finales de los años sesenta. Entre mediados de la década de 1980 y los primeros años de 2000 la tasa de nupcialidad se redujo a la mitad, mientras que las uniones consensuales experimentaron un crecimiento de gran magnitud entre los jóvenes de todos los estratos educativos. En 1987 la proporción de personas de 20 a 24 años que estaba en unión consensual alcanzaba a poco menos de 20% del total de jóvenes que había iniciado su vida conyugal, en 2007 representaba más de 80%. Concomitantemente, el divorcio se duplicó y las uniones (legales y de hecho) empezaron a disolverse con duraciones cada vez más cortas. Por último, se registró un aplazamiento muy moderado de la edad de entrada en unión, que parece obedecer a la polarización social en los calendarios conyugales entre jóvenes de distintos niveles educativos.Es motivo de discusión si las transformaciones recientes ocurridas en la esfera de las relaciones familiares en Uruguay responden a un cambio en el patrón de valores similar al descrito para los países occidentales desarrollados. La discusión es pertinente en la medida en que la población uruguaya experimentó en los últimos años un marcado proceso de exclusión social y tanto las especificidades culturales como las políticas públicas desempeñan un papel relevante en las formas en que se manifiesta el cambio familiar. Sin embargo resulta difícil explicar la similitud de las tendencias de cambio familiar en Uruguay respecto a aquellos países, sin hacer referencia al patrón global de cambio familiar que encierra la segunda transición demográfica. AbstractThis article seeks to present the main trends in Uruguayan marriage rates over the past two decades. Although the study is based on the main explanatory lines of the second demographic transition (SDT) to interpret the evolution of the various indicators of family life, it is basically descriptive.Over a period of approximately two decades, Uruguayan marriage rates underwent similar transformations to those that occurred in developed countries in the late 1960s. Between the mid 1980s and the early years of 2000, marriage rates were halved whereas consensual unions increased sharply among young people of all levels of educational attainment. In 1987, the proportion of persons ages 20 to 24 living in consensual unions accounted for just under 20% of the total number of young people who had begun their conjugal lives whereas in 2007, it accounted for over 80%. Concomitantly, the divorce rate doubled and unions (both legal and de facto) began to dissolve within increasingly short periods of time. Lastly, a slight postponement was recorded in the age of entering unions, which appears to reflect the social polarization in the marital time-frames of young people with different levels of educational attainment.It is a matter of debate whether the recent transformations that occurred within the sphere of family relations in Uruguay reflect a change in the pattern of values similar to that described for developed western countries. And the discussion is relevant insofar as in recent years, the Uruguayan population has experienced a marked process of social exclusion while cultural specificities and public policies have played a key role in the ways family changes are expressed. However, it is difficult to explain the similarity in the trends in family changes in Uruguay regarding those countries without referring to the overall pattern of family change entailed by the second demographic transition.

show abstract

El incumplimiento en el pago de las pensiones alimenticias, el bienestar de los hogares y el contexto legal vigente en Uruguay

Cited by 8 publications

References 9 publications

Third‐way neoliberalism and conditional cash transfers: The paradoxes of empowerment, participation and self‐help among poor Uruguayan women

Third‐way neoliberalism and conditional cash transfers: The paradoxes of empowerment, participation and self‐help among poor Uruguayan women

The antipoverty effectiveness of child support: Empirical evidence for Latin American countries

Dos décadas de transformaciones de la nupcialidad uruguaya. La convergencia hacia la segunda transición demográfica / Two Decades of Transformations of Uruguayan Marriage Patterns. The Convergence towards the Second Demographic Transition

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About