Effects of COVID-19 on coastal livelihoods in the central region of Ghana

Amoah, John Oti; Addai-Munumkum, Theresah; Oduro, Georgina Yaa; Odoi, Amanda; Ansah, John Windie; Takyiakwaa, Dorothy; Sakyi-Djan, Pearl

doi:10.1016/j.ssaho.2023.100443

Cited by 3 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…The hypothesis was made due to the Coast heavily depending upon tourism with industries potentially more impacted by lockdowns and other restrictions. Additionally, previous studies have found that coastal communities were hit hard by Covid restrictions [28] , [29] . However, port-related operations and manufacturing in this region may have been considered essential work thereby mitigating some of the adverse economic effects.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Non-pharmaceutical interventions in the State of Georgia: Economic implications

White

Luo

Rothenberg

2023

Ethics, Medicine and Public Health

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Non-pharmaceutical interventions in the State of Georgia: Economic implications

White

Luo

Rothenberg

2023

Ethics, Medicine and Public Health

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“…Presidential extensions have been so predominant and persistent among francophone African countries that, all African presidents currently governing in extension to term limits are francophone, except for Uganda which is Anglophone and Equatorial-Guinea which is Hispanophone. Moreover, in all five most recent francophone presidential elections (Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, and Togo during 2020, Chad, and Congo-Brazzaville during 2021), the incumbent secured their extensions through controversial constitutional referendums, followed by elections which they went on to win (Amoah, 2023). It is usually the case “that incumbents who run often win at the election” (Reytjens, 2020, p. 275).…”

Section: Presidential Extensions In Africamentioning

confidence: 99%

Presidential Extensions in Africa 1960 to 2022: Impact on Politics, Peace, and Security

Amoah

2023

Sage Open

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There have been 35 presidential extensions across 24 countries in Africa from 1960 to 2022, done through four categories of extension mechanisms. Most extensions occur in francophone countries, where heads-of-state govern for up to four decades and beyond, propped up by French foreign policy pacts or bilateral defense agreements which station French bases that ward of insurrections against perennial presidents. This has gestated political discontent and festered conflicts in francophone territory, to the point of being conflict-prone and terrorist enclaves. In the process, francophone Africa has attracted US drone bases for supposed counterterrorism, while Wagner mercenaries have taken up roles in countries where French Legions failed and departed. As a result, African countries have become willing or unwilling actors in the foreign policy agendas of the French, Americans, and Russians whose legions they host. Meanwhile, the African Union has the institutional frameworks to address the phenomenon of presidential extensions, but the political will is not forthcoming because the AU Assembly itself consists of several incorrigible presidents who are governing in extensions and do not want change.

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