2007
DOI: 10.1080/03057920701420908
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Education and gender in revolutionary societies: insights from Vietnam, Nicaragua, and Eritrea

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Cited by 12 publications
(7 citation statements)
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References 31 publications
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“…For example, child labor can have negative and long-term effects on health outcomes (O’Donnell et al , 2005) and school attainment (Beegle, Dehejia, and Gatti, 2009); as such, keeping a child in school longer can have a positive effect on these outcomes. Education can also create room for personal emancipation and improves social equity for women (Muller, 2007). 6 …”
Section: Overview Of Vietnam's Education Systemmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For example, child labor can have negative and long-term effects on health outcomes (O’Donnell et al , 2005) and school attainment (Beegle, Dehejia, and Gatti, 2009); as such, keeping a child in school longer can have a positive effect on these outcomes. Education can also create room for personal emancipation and improves social equity for women (Muller, 2007). 6 …”
Section: Overview Of Vietnam's Education Systemmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Implementation of such rights can rather be described as a 'social interface' (Majumdar and Mooij, in press) where various group of actors influence and contest eventual outcomes. This is not only the case in a democracy like India, but equally in for example post-revolutionary settings where social justice is explicitly a prime objective of education policy and where government drives for wider social transformation enjoy a high degree of legitimacy (see Müller, 2007). In such settings, the promise of potential future transformations and accompanying aspirations beyond those envisaged by education policy makers and ruling elites might eventually lead to the contestation of hegemonic education policy measures.…”
Section: Paradoxes Of Education Policy Makingmentioning
confidence: 93%
“…This definition is put forward because youth are a vital constituency in institutionalising revolutionary value systems in state politics, and an important means to mould youth into progressive post-liberation leaders is the opening of new educational opportunities. Youth who benefit from those are however expected to forgo personal aspirations if these are not in line with 'revolutionary values' as defined by respective governments (see for example Bayly, 2004;Müller, 2007;Panzer, 2009). Such an approach ignores the fact that educational opportunities are strongly related to future aspirations, part of the wider 'capacity to aspire' (Appadurai, 2004), that while being embedded into hegemonic norms and belief systems has a strong personalized component.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%