Economic Policy and Public Opinion in Spain

McDonough, Peter; Barnes, Samuel H.; Pina, Antonio López

doi:10.2307/2111104

Cited by 40 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…Moreover, Spaniards are far more likely than respondents from any other country to display “middle class” identification. These observations are consistent with other research on public opinion and class identity in Spain (Barnes, Lopez‐Pina, and McDonough ; see also McDonough, Barnes, and Lopez‐Pina )…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 92%

“…In fact, the notable differences in Spanish “middle” class identity might be dominated by particularly strong regional difference. For example, McDonough et al () argue that regional cleavages, unrelated to social class, distract citizens from issue associated with the economy and class conflict. While this study is not about class identification per se, the implication is that awareness is low in Spain and that people are more strongly influenced by competing cleavage structures.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Middle Class Identity in the Modern World: How Politics and Economics Matter

Curtis

2013

Canadian Review of Sociology

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It is widely accepted that people tend to identify with the middle classes regardless of their social class position. Nevertheless, this “middle class identity bias” is not equally prominent in all western democracies. The goal of this article is to assess the role of political and economic conditions in shaping this phenomenon. By exploring the relationship between class identity and national context in 15 modern societies, I address two main questions: (1) how individual‐level income affects where people place themselves in the class system, and (2) how national political and economic context affects this relationship. In doing so, I offer several important findings. First, although there is a positive relationship between income and class identification in all 15 societies, middle class identification is weakest when income inequality is high. Consistent with previous findings, the results suggest that economic development has a positive impact on class identity. The results also uncover a role for political ideology by suggesting a lingering affect of Communist rule. Even after controlling for economic development and income inequality, respondents in former Communist countries are more likely than others to identify as belonging to a low social class.

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Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 92%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Middle Class Identity in the Modern World: How Politics and Economics Matter

Curtis

2013

Canadian Review of Sociology

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“…Along these lines, Table 5 shows that the French-Spanish border, with all its political and cultural ramifications, does not obfuscate the argument made in the political economy literature by scholars such as Alt and Chrystal(1983), Kiewiet (1983), Lewis-Beck (1984), Feldman (1983) and Schneider (1984) that economics, one's economic position, and governmental economic policy affect behaviour and attitudes. Economic factors in both Spain and France are indicated by these respondents as the most important aspect in the Basques' relationship with the respective political capitals, a finding consistent with other research on the linkage between economics and politics in France (Lewis-Beck 1980,1986, Rosa 1980, Hibbs 1981 and Spain (Lancaster 1983, McDonough et al 1986, Lancaster and Lewis-Beck 1986. In the survey, second in importance are political considerations on the Spanish side and language and culture on the French side.…”

Section: Initial Comparisonssupporting

confidence: 87%

Comparative nationalism: the Basques in Spain and France

Lancaster

1987

European J Political Res

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Abstract. Little research on peripheral nationalism goes beyond the case study approach. Comparative studies provide greater understanding of national self‐identification by comparing different ethnic groups, yet encounter difficulties in rigorously delineating specific non‐group causal factors. This study adds to our insights into peripheral nationalism by comparing self‐identification within the same group but in two different political systems. Study of the Basques in both Spain and France permits a comparison of the same group, thus imposing an analytical control on ethnicity, under two different sets of state policy directions. Utilizing survey data, this investigation found sharp differences in national self‐identification in the Basques in Spain and France. The argument is advanced that, even when other explanatory factors are considered, this difference in Basque identification should be understood in light of the different policy stances taken over time by the central governments in Paris and Madrid toward their respective Basque minorities. While initially counter‐intuitive, it is suggested that toleration and non‐repressive policies toward such minorities may actually serve in the long term to decrease peripheral national identification.

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“…Dos enfoques han sido muy utilizados: el primero se basa en las definiciones que dan los propios entrevistados (Klingemann, 1976;Lamben, Curtis, Brown y Kay, 1986;García Ferrando, 1984); el segundo se basa en técnicas de análisis factorial, mediante las cuales el autoposicionamiento en una escala ideológica se combina con otros ítems relacionados con distintas cuestiones o con las preferencias políticas (Inglehart y Sidjansk, 1976;Inglehart y Klingemann, 1976;Lambert et al, 1986;McDonough, Barnes y López Pina, 1985). Preferimos el segundo enfoque porque el primero confía excesivamente en la habilidad verbal de los entrevistados en el momento de la entrevista.…”

Section: Una Nueva Base Para La Polarización Políticaunclassified

El significado de ser de izquierdas en la España actual

Mon¹,

Nicolás²,

Medrano³

1989

Reis

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RESUMEN.El artículo estudia, a nivel teórico, empírico y político, el cambio producido en el significado del autoposicionamiento ideológico en España, partiendo de la aparente contradicción de que los españoles se autoposicionen mayoritariamente en la izquierda y voten a un partido socialista que no practica una política de izquierda tradicional. La explicación que se ofrece y verifica es la de que la polarización política entre derecha e izquierda se basa actualmente más en cuestiones no-económicas (morales y sociales) que en cuestiones económicas. Las hipótesis han sido verificadas mediante técnicas de análisis factorial confirmatorio (LISREL), habiéndose especificado, además, que la dimensión moralsocial es aún más importante que la económica entre las generaciones más jóvenes. IntroducciónSiete años después de la primera victoria socialista en unas elecciones generales, muchos españoles, tanto intelectuales como profanos, se preguntan por el significado real de los programas políticos de derecha y de izquierda, y si existen diferencias profundas entre ellos. Por una parte, el Partido Socialista no parece sentirse amenazado actualmente por ningún partido situado a su izquierda (los comunistas de IU) ni a su derecha (los centristas del CDS o los conservadores del PP). Únicamente en elecciones autonómicas, como por ejemplo en Cataluña y en el País Vasco, los socialistas han sido derrotados por partidos nacionalistas. A pesar de haberse registrado cierto desReis 45/89 pp. 9-41

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Economic Policy and Public Opinion in Spain

Cited by 40 publications

References 29 publications

Middle Class Identity in the Modern World: How Politics and Economics Matter

Middle Class Identity in the Modern World: How Politics and Economics Matter

Comparative nationalism: the Basques in Spain and France

El significado de ser de izquierdas en la España actual

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