Abstract:Economic hardship and its consequences were examined across 3 generations of rural Midwestern families. Information from parents (G1) and adolescents (G2) from 556 families indicated that economic hardship experienced during adolescence predicted economic hardship in young adulthood, and this process was linked to developmental outcomes of the 3rd generation (G3). Five individual and family factors decreased the association between parents’ and offspring economic hardship over a 10-year period. G1 economic har… Show more
“…It could be that disad-vantaged G2 participants could not afford to participate in extracurricular activities that would have contributed to their visibility in their peer group and that would have provided opportunities to develop social skills and opportunities to form friendship bonds with more classmates. This hypothetical developmental sequence is supported by results from Conger et al (2012), who found that parents' economic hardship has a negative impact both on children's affiliation with conventional peers and on their involvement in extracurricular activities, which ultimately affect their educational attainment and SES in adulthood. Because childhood likeability contributes to various components of G2 SES (educational attainment and economic-occupational indicators), further investigation might be valuable in terms of understanding the processes whereby early SES conditions influence social competence and other aspects of likeability and peer relations.…”
Section: Child Characteristics Influencing the Continuity Of Sesmentioning
Socioeconomic status (SES) is relatively stable across generations, but social policies may create opportunities for upward social mobility among disadvantaged populations during periods of economic growth. With respect to expanded educational opportunities that occurred in Québec (Canada) during the 1960s, we hypothesized that children's social and academic competence would promote upward mobility, whereas aggression and social withdrawal would have the opposite effect. Out of 4,109 children attending low-SES schools in 1976-1978, a representative subsample of 503 participants were followed until midadulthood. Path analyses revealed that parents' SES predicted offspring's SES through associations with offspring's likeability, academic competence, and educational attainment. Interaction effects revealed individual risk factors that moderated children's ability to take advantage of intrafamilial or extrafamilial opportunities that could enhance their educational attainment. Highly aggressive participants and those presenting low academic achievement were unable to gain advantage from having highly educated parents. They reached lower educational attainment than their less aggressive or higher achieving peers who came from a similarly advantaged family background. Growing up with parents occupying low-prestige jobs put withdrawn boys and outgoing girls at risk for low educational attainment. In conclusion, social policies can raise SES across generations, with great benefits for the most disadvantaged segments of the population. However, children presenting with emerging psychopathology or academic weaknesses do not benefit from these policies as much as others, and should receive additional, targeted services.
“…It could be that disad-vantaged G2 participants could not afford to participate in extracurricular activities that would have contributed to their visibility in their peer group and that would have provided opportunities to develop social skills and opportunities to form friendship bonds with more classmates. This hypothetical developmental sequence is supported by results from Conger et al (2012), who found that parents' economic hardship has a negative impact both on children's affiliation with conventional peers and on their involvement in extracurricular activities, which ultimately affect their educational attainment and SES in adulthood. Because childhood likeability contributes to various components of G2 SES (educational attainment and economic-occupational indicators), further investigation might be valuable in terms of understanding the processes whereby early SES conditions influence social competence and other aspects of likeability and peer relations.…”
Section: Child Characteristics Influencing the Continuity Of Sesmentioning
Socioeconomic status (SES) is relatively stable across generations, but social policies may create opportunities for upward social mobility among disadvantaged populations during periods of economic growth. With respect to expanded educational opportunities that occurred in Québec (Canada) during the 1960s, we hypothesized that children's social and academic competence would promote upward mobility, whereas aggression and social withdrawal would have the opposite effect. Out of 4,109 children attending low-SES schools in 1976-1978, a representative subsample of 503 participants were followed until midadulthood. Path analyses revealed that parents' SES predicted offspring's SES through associations with offspring's likeability, academic competence, and educational attainment. Interaction effects revealed individual risk factors that moderated children's ability to take advantage of intrafamilial or extrafamilial opportunities that could enhance their educational attainment. Highly aggressive participants and those presenting low academic achievement were unable to gain advantage from having highly educated parents. They reached lower educational attainment than their less aggressive or higher achieving peers who came from a similarly advantaged family background. Growing up with parents occupying low-prestige jobs put withdrawn boys and outgoing girls at risk for low educational attainment. In conclusion, social policies can raise SES across generations, with great benefits for the most disadvantaged segments of the population. However, children presenting with emerging psychopathology or academic weaknesses do not benefit from these policies as much as others, and should receive additional, targeted services.
“…Past work has shown that economic hardship is related to behavioral health problems, including psychological disorders, addictive behavior, physical health problems, and interpersonal dysfunction in adults and children (K. J. Conger et al, 2012;Sareen, Afifi, McMillan, & Asmundson, 2011). For instance, economic adversity has been linked to reduced social competence and elevated physiological markers of stress (K. E. Bolger, Patterson, Thompson, & Kupersmidt, 1995;Evans & English, 2002).…”
Highlights
COVID-19 and its impact on psychological symptoms and disorders, addiction, and health behavior is substantial and ongoing.
An integrative COVID-19 stress-based model could be used to guide research focused on the pandemic's stress-related burden.
This work could provide a theoretical and empirical knowledge base for future pandemics.
“…Lower family SES in childhood is associated with the development of temperament in children. For instance, lower parent income in adolescence predicts less positive emotionality, more negative emotionality, and less constraint (Conger et al, ). Furthermore, these traits go on to predict lower income in adulthood, which subsequently predicts a similar pattern of trait development in the next generation (Conger et al, ).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For instance, lower parent income in adolescence predicts less positive emotionality, more negative emotionality, and less constraint (Conger et al, ). Furthermore, these traits go on to predict lower income in adulthood, which subsequently predicts a similar pattern of trait development in the next generation (Conger et al, ). Lower maternal education also predicts more irritability in children and lower parent income predicts more irritability, more fear, and less effortful control, and these relations remain stable over time (Lengua, ).…”
Objective: Children differ in their temperament and these differences predict consequential outcomes, including mental health, peer relations, substance use, academic performance, and adult personality. Additionally, children's temperament develops over time in response to environmental factors, such as the socioeconomic status (SES) of their family and the neighborhood in which they are raised. However, there has been lack on research on the relation between neighborhood SES and the development of temperament or personality. Method: Using data from two cohorts of the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC; N = 9,217) that followed children from 4 to 15 years old, the present analyses examined whether parent income, parent education, and neighborhood disadvantage were associated with three child temperament traits that are precursors to Five-Factor Model (FFM) adult personality traits. Results: Longitudinal hierarchical linear models (HLM) generally found that children with lower neighborhood SES or family SES tended to have lower sociability, higher reactivity, and lower persistence and these associations did not decrease over time.Conclusions: This research demonstrates that both the neighborhood and the family SES in childhood are important for the development of temperament across childhood and adolescence.
K E Y W O R D Schildren, longitudinal, personality, socioeconomic status, temperament
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