Early Industrialization and Inequality in Toronto, 1861-1899

Darroch, A. Gordon

doi:10.2307/25140200

Cited by 22 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…In communities that have been studied in detail the proportion of farmers in the labour force actually increased during the supposed decades of land crisis and growing proletarianization (Gagan, 1981: 111;Akenson, 1984: 258-67). The pattern has also been found to hold for a large region of central Ontario between 1861 and 1871 (Darroch, 1988).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 63%

“…Darroch and Ornstein (1985) have shown this was the general pattern of occupational transitions for the 1860-1870 decade throughout a large region of central Ontario. Further detailed study has indicated that considerable numbers of recently arrived migrants to this region became farmers with moderate sized holdings between 1861 and 1871 (Darroch, 1988). These findings strongly suggest that structural change in the land market to 1871 was not so dramatic as to make the age by ownership data seriously misrepresent the historic process of land acquisition.…”

Section: The Acquisition Of Farm Land By Men In Nineteenth-century Onmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…We are secure, at least, in saying that inequality was much greater in the larger cities than in the countryside. For example, the top 10 per cent of householders in Toronto held 54 and 56 per cent of assessed estate and personal wealth in 1861 and 1871 (Darroch, 1983) although Ontario's residents in 1871 might have recognized the stability of the structure of landholding over several generations, the actual processes of land acquisition gave many people reason to think that they could attain at least some measure of the security and independence it promised, CONCLUSION Examining landownership patterns in Ontario in 1871 reveals that almost two-thirds of all adult male farmers were landowners. In this cross-sectional snapshot it seems the class divide between the propertied and propertyless in 19th-century Ontario was fairly deep.…”

Section: Landholding Inequality Among Ontario's Farmersmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Inequality in landed wealth in nineteenth‐century Ontario: structure and access

Darroch

Soltow

1992

Canadian Review of Sociology

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Malgré l'importance de la question pour l'interprétation de l'histoire de l'Ontario, on sait peu de choses sur l'accès à la propriété foncière au Canada au 19e siècle. Grêce à un échantillon de données manuscrites du recensement de 1871, le régime foncier ontarien de l'époque a pu être analysé. Vues en ‘coupe,’ les données semblent indiquer de profondes différences entre classes sociales. Cependant, quand on les regroupe par classe d'âge, on constate un niveau très élevé d'accès h la propriété des terres. En effet, à l'âge de 50 ans, plus de 85 pour cent des agriculteurs adultes étaient propriétaires de leurs terres. Il en va de même pour les inégalités quant à la taille de propriétés. Les auteurs concluent qu'on peut dire en général que les structures de classe se sont reproduites malgré ce processus plutôt fluide d'accession à la propriété foncière au cours du cycle de vie des individus. Pour eux, la combinaison de ces deux phénomènes signifie que le régime foncier n'a pas connu de véritable ‘crise’ comme l'ont affirmé certains chercheurs. We know very little about access to land in 19th‐century Canada, despite the question's importance to interpretations of Ontario's past. A provincial sample of census manuscript data allows analysis of landholding patterns in Ontario in 1871. In cross‐section there appears to be a deep class division. But age patterns reveal very considerable access to land. By age 50, over 85 per cent of adult farmers were owners. Many non‐farmers owned or rented land. Among the few women heads of households, surprising numbers were owners. Similar patterns characterize the size inequality of landholding. In general, fluid processes of life‐cycle land acquisition reproduced stable structures of inequality. The combination implies no true ‘crisis’ of the landed social formation as others have argued.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 63%

Section: The Acquisition Of Farm Land By Men In Nineteenth-century Onmentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Landholding Inequality Among Ontario's Farmersmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Inequality in landed wealth in nineteenth‐century Ontario: structure and access

Darroch

Soltow

1992

Canadian Review of Sociology

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“…The data from Appendix, p. 44, was inputted into an Excel spread sheet and subjected to trend analysis using a 3rd order polynomial fit. 38 Using assessment rolls, Darroch (1983) finds a decline in wealth in Toronto from 1892 to 1902, which he attributes to the recession of 1891. Di Matteo and George (1992) also find a decline in wealth in Wentworth county between 1892 and 1902. whereas the proportion reporting real estate ownership stays approximately the same, the decline in average wealth is almost entirely accounted for by a decline in average real estate values reported.…”

Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Wealth accumulation motives: evidence from the probate records of Ontario, 1892 and 1902

Matteo

2007

Cliometrica

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The wealth of male decedents using census-linked probate records from 1892 and 1902 is examined for evidence on saving motives. This data presents an opportunity to examine wealth holding and saving motives in an environment devoid of many of the features that can affect modern retirement, consumption and saving decisions. Evidence is found supporting the existence of a strategic bequest motive. This result occurs after controlling for the possibility of the demand for children rising with the level of wealth as well as the potential contribution to wealth accumulation that children made in agricultural economies. These results also suggest that while the presence of a bequest motive was real and significant, its ultimate contribution to wealth accumulation was relatively modest when compared to the impact of variables such as occupational status and literacy. Moreover, there appears to be some evidence supporting a transition in saving motives away from bequest saving and towards greater life cycle saving.

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“…The topic of housing tenure finds no place in any of the modern histories or social surveys of the country (e.g. Morton, 1983;Porter, 1965), 7 1 although its has recently received some attention from social and urban historians of the nineteenth century (Darroch, 1983a;1983b;Doucet, 1976;Harris ef al., 1981;Katz er al., 1982, Chapter 4; Piva, 1983;Weaver, 1978). Even in the literature on Canadian housing trends and policy, tenure is given short shrift (Dennis and Fish, 1972, 70-71;Rose, 1980;Saywell, 1975), although this is beginning to change (Steele, 1979, 123-70;Miron, 1979, 87-90).…”

Section: Housing Tenure M Modern Canadamentioning

confidence: 99%

Home ownership and class in modern Canada

Harris¹

1986

Int J Urban Regional Res

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Early Industrialization and Inequality in Toronto, 1861-1899

Cited by 22 publications

References 0 publications

Inequality in landed wealth in nineteenth‐century Ontario: structure and access

Inequality in landed wealth in nineteenth‐century Ontario: structure and access

Wealth accumulation motives: evidence from the probate records of Ontario, 1892 and 1902

Home ownership and class in modern Canada

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