Dynamics of Campaign Reporting and Press-Party Parallelism: Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism and the Media System in Turkey

Yıldırım, Kerem; Baruh, Lemi; Çarkoğlu, Alı

doi:10.1080/10584609.2020.1765913

Cited by 35 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 47 publications

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“…These content measures also closely relate to existing measures of media bias. 6 The Mass Line: Monitoring.-As discussed in Section IB, Chinese newspapers are required to report the public's concerns about local policymakers and outcomes to improve their accountability to higher-level politicians. We identify three types of reports in this respect: reports on corruption, disasters, and accidents.…”

Section: A Content Classificationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Media Bias in China

Qin¹,

Strömberg

Wu³

2018

American Economic Review

140

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This paper examines whether and how market competition affected the political bias of government-owned newspapers in China from 1981 to 2011. We measure media bias based on coverage of government mouthpiece content ( propaganda) relative to commercial content. We first find that a reform that forced newspaper exits (reduced competition) affected media bias by increasing product specialization, with some papers focusing on propaganda and others on commercial content. Second, lower-level governments produce less-biased content and launch commercial newspapers earlier, eroding higher-level governments’ political goals. Third, bottom-up competition intensifies the politico-economic trade-off, leading to product proliferation and less audience exposure to propaganda. (JEL D72, L31, L82, O14, O17, P26, P31)

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Section: A Content Classificationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Because the Epoch Times started to list its top ten news events in 2002, we use the 2002 data to fill in the missing observations for this measure from 1999 to 2001 6. For instance, news stories that cover politicians from a specific party are commonly used to measure media bias favoring that party (e.g., D'Alessio and Allen 2000; Durante and Knight 2012).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Media Bias in China

Qin¹,

Strömberg

Wu³

2018

American Economic Review

140

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“…The picture had changed dramatically in favor of the government by 2015, when the JDP received almost 4.5 times the visibility of the RPP. The coverage also became remarkably more favorable over these election periods (Yıldırım et al 2020). These shifts also affected the distribution of advertising.…”

Section: The Political Economy Of the Media In Turkey: Cross-ownership And Clientelismmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Moreover, Yıldırım et al (2020: 1) have recently provided strong “evidence for press–party parallelism dynamics in a competitive authoritarian country.” As the media constitute one of the “four arenas of democratic contestation” (Levitsky and Way 2002: 54), the authorities in competitive authoritarian regimes frequently and actively try to suppress the free media through subtle mechanisms of repression. Levitsky and Way (2002: 58) explain these mechanisms, which include advertising, as follows: “… [these] often include bribery, the selective allocation of state advertising, the manipulation of debts and taxes owed by media outlets….” However, the apparatus of advertising has not been examined with particular reference to this media system in Turkey.…”

Section: Advertising the State And Control Of The Mediamentioning

confidence: 99%

Advertising and Media Capture in Turkey: How Does the State Emerge as the Largest Advertiser with the Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism?

Yanatma

2021

The International Journal of Press/Politics

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This article examines the distribution of advertising in newspapers in Turkey and the impact of the government on the allocation, in particular, of official announcements and of advertising by partially state-owned enterprises and private companies loyal to the ruling party, as well as pressure on other commercial advertisers, during the rule of the Justice and Development Party between 2002 and 2020. It demonstrates that the government has, in the last decade, largely used the advertising sector as a “carrot and stick” tactic to control newspapers through the distribution of official announcements and advertising by state-owned enterprises. It further finds that the state has emerged in recent years as the largest advertiser financing the “captured media,” control of media ownership has proved to be not enough to ensure docile news media. Turkey has shifted to competitive authoritarianism in recent years, and this article demonstrates the selective allocation of advertising, which is a strong component of suppressing the independent media. The article uncovers the impact of government on advertising, using two data sets to show: (i) the total spend on official announcements received by each newspaper and (ii) how much advertising space in square centimeters state-owned enterprises have placed in each newspaper. Interviews with editors-in-chief of newspapers also expose the direct role of government in the distribution of advertising.

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“…With increasing authoritarianism under the AKP government following the failed peace process in 2015 and the alleged "coup attempt" in 2016 (Sözen 2020;Erensü and Alemdaroğlu 2018;Tansel 2018), media in Turkey has suffered intensifying political pressure, financial sanctions, bans of media outlets, as well as imprisonment of media employees (Yıldırım et al 2020). In these circumstances, social media have become an important tool for receiving and disseminating information.…”

Section: Competing Narratives and A Quantitative Assessment Of Conflict And Fires In Dersimmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fighting Insurgency, Ruining the Environment: the Case of Forest Fires in the Dersim Province of Turkey

et al. 2021

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Environmental destruction has long been used as a military strategy in times of conflict. A long-term example of environmental destruction in a conflict zone can be found in Dersim/Tunceli province, located in Eastern Turkey. In the last century, at least two military operations negatively impacted Dersim’s population and environment: 1937–38 and 1993–94. Both conflict and environmental destruction in the region continued after the 1990s. Particularly after July 2015, when the brief peace process that began in 2013 ended, conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) resumed and questions arose about the cause of forest fires in Dersim. In this research we investigate whether there is a relationship between conflict and forest fires in Dersim. This is denied by the Turkish state but asserted by many Dersim residents, civil society groups, and political parties. We use a multi-disciplinary approach, combining methods of qualitative analysis of print media (newspapers), social media (Twitter), and local accounts, together with quantitative methods: remote sensing and spatial analysis. Interdisciplinary analysis combining quantitative datasets with in-depth, qualitative data allows a better understanding of the role of conflict in potentially exacerbating the frequency and severity of forest fires. Although we cannot determine the cause of the fires, the results of our statistical analysis suggest a significant relationship between fires and conflict in Dersim, indicating that the incidence of conflicts is generally correlated with the number of fires.

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Dynamics of Campaign Reporting and Press-Party Parallelism: Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism and the Media System in Turkey

Cited by 35 publications

References 47 publications

Media Bias in China

Media Bias in China

Advertising and Media Capture in Turkey: How Does the State Emerge as the Largest Advertiser with the Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism?

Fighting Insurgency, Ruining the Environment: the Case of Forest Fires in the Dersim Province of Turkey

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