Druze Politics in Israel: Challenging the Myth of “Druze-Zionist Covenant”

Aboultaif, Eduardo Wassim

doi:10.1080/13602004.2015.1039810

Cited by 9 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Recent evidence shows that there is still much to do to achieve full equality for the Druze in Israel. Other studies even suggest that the Druze experience the worst of both worlds: they serve in the army and some die in the line of duty as might any Jew, and they suffer the same discrimination that other non-Jews suffer [29,79]. Given our conclusion regarding the need for preventive strategies to achieve sustainable security and inner-societal positive peace that involves a sense of cooperation or integration of ethnic minorities into the nation-state, the state of Israel needs to aim at achieving as much equality as possible for the Druze and in order to eliminate any discrimination.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Role of Military Service in the Integration/Segregation of Muslims, Christians and Druze within Israel

Zeedan

2019

Societies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This study applies the negative peace/positive peace approach to internal nation-state relations between the majority and ethnic minority. This approach focuses on the policies implemented by the state. In order to understand the social system from its formation, an important focus should be given to the period of establishment of a new state, whereas physical borders are defined along with the borders of society, which determines who is included in the new nation and who is excluded. The conclusions are based on the case of the Israeli Druze, an ethnic minority with whom the state of Israel and its Jewish majority have achieved positive peace. This study suggests that the positive peace with the Druze was achieved following their integration in the army—as a decision of the state of Israel—that lead to their integration in the Israeli society. Conversely to the Israeli Muslims, where a negative peace is maintained, following the early year’s state policy to exclude them.

show abstract

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Role of Military Service in the Integration/Segregation of Muslims, Christians and Druze within Israel

Zeedan

2019

Societies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…This helps to understand why the SDOGH in particular have felt less threatened, and in some ways emboldened, by their stateless condition: regardless of whether they have found themselves a minority group within or without a state, their claim to space through time has remained a consistent political strategy and source of reassurance. In this way, Druze theology has been used to transcend the state/nation dichotomy and thus statelessness in itself does not hold any existential danger (Aboultaif, 2015;Kastrinou, 2016;Khuri, 2004).…”

Section: Historical and Cultural Rootednessmentioning

confidence: 99%

The stateless (ad)vantage? Resistance, land and rootedness in the Israeli-occupied Syrian Golan Heights

Kastrinou

El-Deen²,

Emery

2020

Territory, Politics, Governance

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Can statelessness embolden political resistance? Exploring the political geography of resistance amongst stateless farmers in the Israeli-occupied Syrian Golan Heights, this paper positions itself within the context of a more refined understanding of the politics of statelessness and citizenship, whilst recognizing the continued role and power of the state. We argue that despite Israel's material power over the control of resources and bodies in the Golan Heights it has been far less successful in exercising ideological control. This stems from the occupied Syrians' combined condition as territorially and culturally rooted to the land alongside their stateless condition, which affords them an important vantage from which they negotiate their inclusion and exclusion from the states of both Syria and Israel. The empirical material draws from extended participant observation among Golani Syrians (in Syria and the Golan) and interviews with Golani farmers. We explain how and why the Druze, specifically, remained with their land after the occupation. We demonstrate their significant resistance efforts, and their conflicts with Israel, over and through their claims to a legitimate presence in the material and ideational landscape. In doing so we challenge common assumptions that stateless, Druze, and rural communities are particularly susceptible to state agendas.

show abstract

“…Mutasarrifiyah system was established and it was divided into seven districts; three Maronite districts, one Druze, one Muslim, one Greek Orthodox, and one Melkite(Salamey 2014). The Druze leadership in Lebanon has been in the hands of the feudal lords throughout history; whilst religious men who have partial loyalty to the feudal lords have led the religious establishment solely(Aboultaif 2015). For that reason, feudal lords and families have ruled the Druze community in Lebanon.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Today their heirs Walid Joumblatt and Talal Arslan compete for dominance along with other newcomers such as, Weam Wahab. However, the Joumblatt clan remains dominant in the Druze community.Moreover, "The temporal and religious authority has been in the hands of one family, the Tarif family represented the Druze political and religious establishment in Israel/Palestine"(Aboultaif 2015). Furthermore, "in a society where political ideology did not establish itself as a mean for mobilization, religion becomes the only motive for political mobilization.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Globalization and Nationalism in Lebanon. (c2021)

Gharzeddine¹

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This thesis examines the relationship of the Druze community and the Progressive Socialist Party with the Lebanese nation‐state. It explores the ways globalization’s expansions and contractions have shaped communitarian’s attachment to the nation‐state. The research examines this hypothetical relationship through the assumptions embedded in globalization’s Double Movement Theory. It tests whether the past decade of global expansion has undermined the Lebanese nation‐state at various economic, security, and cultural levels. It also explores whether COVID19’s pandemic has reversed such a trend. Utilizing a case study of communitarian politics, this thesis tracks the perception and attitude developing among the Druze intellectuals and the Progressive Socialist Party’s leaders to gage changes. The findings reveal various aspects confirming the Double Movement Theory while discrepancies are explained in terms of protracted identity‐based grievances that have undermined national integration and cohesion irrespective of global developments.

show abstract

Druze Politics in Israel: Challenging the Myth of “Druze-Zionist Covenant”

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

The Role of Military Service in the Integration/Segregation of Muslims, Christians and Druze within Israel

The Role of Military Service in the Integration/Segregation of Muslims, Christians and Druze within Israel

The stateless (ad)vantage? Resistance, land and rootedness in the Israeli-occupied Syrian Golan Heights

Globalization and Nationalism in Lebanon. (c2021)

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About