Drug-Crime Connections

Bennett, Trevor; Holloway, Katy

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511611315

Cited by 16 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 121 publications

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“…Although Goldstein’s model has since been subject to a range of critiques, mainly for being overly deterministic (Bean, 2008; Seddon, 2006), failing to recognize important differences in market types and types of supplier (see Coomber, 2015) and/or having methodology issues (Stevens, 2011), it has nonetheless been important in showing how individual circumstance, motivation and emotional setting can combine with systemic pressures and conditions to produce particular types of drug-related crime. More or less synchronous with Goldstein (for example, Ball et al, 1982; Chaiken and Chaiken, 1982; Collins et al, 1985; Nurco et al, 1985) and in other key works since (for example, Bennett and Holloway, 2007, 2009; Golub and Johnson, 2004; Harrison, 1992; Raskin White and Gorman, 2000), researchers have also revealed the complexity related to the drug use and non-violent crime nexus. Over time and overwhelmingly, a considered examination of aggregated research data looking at drug-related crime depicted greater and greater nuance and a narrowing down of user and contextual characteristics (Bennett et al, 2008; Tonry and Wilson, 1990).…”

Section: Explaining User-dealing: the Drug–crime Linkmentioning

confidence: 87%

Bourdieu on supply: Utilizing the ‘theory of practice’ to understand complexity and culpability in heroin and crack cocaine user-dealing

Moyle

Coomber

2016

European Journal of Criminology

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The act of user-dealing has largely been explored within criminology in conjunction with the 'drug-crime' link or with a focus on ethnography and subculture. Whereas it is known that many users of drugs such as heroin and crack cocaine engage in small-scale supply as a way of generating revenue, less is known about the particular interplay of social context and choice that leads them to pick this income-generating activity over other potential options. Contributing to a burgeoning literature, this article explores the constrained choices of user-dealers with reference to Bourdieu's 'theory of practice ' (1977). Through locating stories of failure in user-dealer narratives, we utilize this novel approach in criminology, illuminating the importance of working with all of the interrelated concepts of habitus, field and capital in appreciating user-dealing as 'practice'. It is argued that application of this framework affords the previously unharnessed opportunity to use Bourdieusian theory to understand notions of culpability when sentencing this group.

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Section: Explaining User-dealing: the Drug–crime Linkmentioning

confidence: 87%

Bourdieu on supply: Utilizing the ‘theory of practice’ to understand complexity and culpability in heroin and crack cocaine user-dealing

Moyle

Coomber

2016

European Journal of Criminology

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“…Self-report data, by contrast, is fairly reliable (about 90%) and valid (about 80% based on several criteria) as a measure of illegal behavior (see, for example reviews in O’Brien, 1985; Elliott et al, 1989). Self-report data on victimization and licit and illicit substance use also appear to have generally acceptable levels of reliability and validity (Bennett and Holloway, 2007; Biderman, 1967; Cantor, 1989; Ennis, 1967; Harrison, 1995; Skogan, 1981). …”

Section: Methodological Limitations In Studies Of the Relationship Bementioning

confidence: 99%

Age, Criminal Victimization, and Offending: Changing Relationships from Adolescence to Middle Adulthood

Menard

2012

Victims & Offenders

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The finding that victims and offenders are often the same individuals has led to attempts at explaining the positive correlation between victimization and offending. Much of the evidence for the positive relationship between victimization and offending, however, was based on samples of adolescents and young adults, or on data with other limitations. In the present study, we use longitudinal self-report data on victimization and offending in a national probability sample to examine the impacts of victimization on offending and offending on victimization, controlling for sociodemographic and theoretical predictors of both, to see whether the relationship is consistent across the life course from adolescence to early middle age. The results suggest that the relationship between being a perpetrator and being a victim of crime changes over the life course, and that explanations for the victimization-offending relationship need to take this life course variation into account.

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“…Others noted how they needed to use SCRAs daily to prevent the onset of acute and unpleasant withdrawal symptoms. Consequently, despite SCRAs being relatively cheap to buy, interviewees reported spending up to £50 a day on SCRAs; an amount similar to that required to fund a heroin and/or crack cocaine dependency (Harocopos et al 2003;Bennett and Holloway 2008). Many of those interviewed for this study described committing offensesranging from low-level acquisitive crime to more serious violenceto fund, or partially fund, their daily use of SCRAs.…”

Section: Harms: Physical Mental Health and Societalmentioning

confidence: 97%

The use of synthetic cannabinoid receptor agonists (SCRAs) within the homeless population: motivations, harms and the implications for developing an appropriate response

Gray

Ralphs

Williams

2020

Addiction Research & Theory

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Background: Synthetic cannabinoid receptor agonists (SCRAs) have become increasingly associated with a range of physical, mental health and societal harms. In response, several countries have introduced legislation aimed at restricting their supply and use. While these legislative changes have led to a decrease in SCRA use within the general population, SCRAs remain popular within vulnerable populations, in particular the homeless. This article presents the findings from the first in-depth qualitative study of SCRA use within the homeless population. It makes an important and timely contribution to the current evidence base and discourse on how governments and service providers should respond to SCRA use within the homeless population. Methods: The research on which this article is based was undertaken in Manchester, UK. Qualitative interviews were undertaken with 53 homeless users of SCRAs and 31 stakeholders. Results: The motivations for SCRA use are broadly similar to those associated with traditional drugs; namely to escape from the reality of life on the streets, and to provide relief from the physical conditions of a street-based lifestyle. However, the combination of their low cost, the ease with which they can be accessed, their high potency, and their non-detectability explains their particular appeal to the homeless population. Alongside these motivations, the research identified a range of physical, mental health, and societal harms that were directly attributable to SCRAs. Conclusions: The most appropriate way to address the continued use of SCRAs within the homeless population is through the development of a more appropriate service response rather than further legislative change.

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Drug-Crime Connections

Cited by 16 publications

References 121 publications

Bourdieu on supply: Utilizing the ‘theory of practice’ to understand complexity and culpability in heroin and crack cocaine user-dealing

Bourdieu on supply: Utilizing the ‘theory of practice’ to understand complexity and culpability in heroin and crack cocaine user-dealing

Age, Criminal Victimization, and Offending: Changing Relationships from Adolescence to Middle Adulthood

The use of synthetic cannabinoid receptor agonists (SCRAs) within the homeless population: motivations, harms and the implications for developing an appropriate response

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