DP-internal double agreement is not double Agree: Consequences of Agree-based case assignment within DP

Georgi, Doreen; Salzmann, Martin

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2011.07.010

Cited by 14 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 26 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…I should point out here that Georgi & Salzmann (2011) demonstrate that in some ways possessive adjectives in German behave more like determiners than like adjectives. Consider the following examples: …”

Section: Theoretical Foundationsmentioning

confidence: 82%

“…It could very well have been assigned case in Spec, nP and moved to Spec, DP for other reasons, such as definiteness, which are discussed shortly. The evidence that an agentive subject can be assigned genitive case within the nominal domain comes from Georgi & Salzmann 2011:2080 (17) Die Vorbereitung der Kinder auf das Fest… the preparation the children.GEN on the party 'the children's preparation for the party' However, from examples such as this, one cannot conclude whether genitive case can be assigned in Spec, nP. In this example, an agentive subject follows the deverbal noun, which means that the deverbal noun has moved from N to n, past the subject.…”

Section: The Split Npmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Why all John's Friends are Dutch, Not German: On the Determiner-Like Characteristics of the Inflection on the Universal Quantifier in West Germanic

Cirillo

2016

J Ger Ling

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The word order in a phrase such as all John's friends, in which a universal quantifier is immediately followed by a genitive, is perfectly grammatical in Dutch but unacceptable in German. This article shows that there are three explanations for this difference between the two closely related languages. First, in German, the Saxon Genitive is a true case assigned in Spec, NP. In contrast, in Dutch and English, genitive case cannot be assigned in Spec, NP without a preposition. The Saxon Genitive in these languages is comparable to a possessive adjective that originates as the head of PossP and moves to D. Second, in a definite DP in a Germanic language, either D or Spec, DP must be occupied; if one of these positions is overtly occupied, and if genitive case has already been assigned, the movement of a genitive phrase to D or Spec, DP is unmotivated and causes ungrammaticality. Third, there is evidence that the -e inflection on the universal quantifier alle ‘all’ in German and Dutch has the characteristics of a determiner.*

show abstract

Section: Theoretical Foundationsmentioning

confidence: 82%

Section: The Split Npmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why all John's Friends are Dutch, Not German: On the Determiner-Like Characteristics of the Inflection on the Universal Quantifier in West Germanic

Cirillo

2016

J Ger Ling

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…In German, there are four different constructions that encode possession (Georgi & Salzmann 2011): The possessor may appear in genitive case, as in (3a). Furthermore, there is the prenominal genitive construction in (3b) and the double possessive construction in (3c).…”

Section: Prepositional Possession In Germanmentioning

confidence: 99%

No possessor inversion in German PPs

Popp

Tebay

2019

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

There are several options to express possessive relations in German, one of them is the construction using a possessor introduced by the preposition von ('of'). In non-standard German, these possessive PPs may occur before or after the possessee. However, this is not the case with possessees in dative case or after prepositions. In this case, the possessee obligatorily precedes its possessive PPs. In this paper, we will show that a feature-driven movement approach can derive the restrictions imposed on this construction by assuming a [ • P • ] on D. This feature can be checked either by merging a higher P or by moving a lower PP. The general constraint Merge-over-Move prefers the former whenever possible. Thus, the construction becomes sensitive to PPs as well as dative DPs, which both block movement to SpecDP.

show abstract

“…But how do we encode the fact that the NP must be the first argument and the DP the second one? MGs solve this by explicitly arranging features in the order they must be checked in, a solution that has been independently invoked for Minimalism in Müller (2010) and Georgi & Salzmann (2011), among others. Hence the possessive LI has the entry's :: N + D + , which allows it to participate in two Merge operations as depicted below.…”

Section: Minimalist Grammars As a Formalization Of Minimalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

A computational guide to the dichotomy of features and constraints

Graf

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

A contentious issue in the Minimalist literature is whether certain phenomena are best described in terms of features or constraints. Building on recent work in mathematical linguistics, I argue that constraints and features are interchangeable in Minimalist syntax. This does not invalidate the feature-constraint debate, though. Rather, the interdefinability of the two points out an unexpected loophole in the formalism that allows for massive overgeneration and produces incorrect typological predictions. At the same time, the feature-constraint equivalence can be helpful in plugging this loophole.Graf: A computational guide to the dichotomy of features and constraints Art. 18, page 3 of 36 same abstract concept. In some cases one perspective may be easier to grasp than the other, but both further our understanding of syntax. * * * * Graf: A computational guide to the dichotomy of features and constraints Art. 18, page 19 of 36 How to cite this article: Graf, Thomas. 2017. A computational guide to the dichotomy of features and constraints. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 2(1): 18. 1-36, DOI: https://doi.

show abstract

DP-internal double agreement is not double Agree: Consequences of Agree-based case assignment within DP

Cited by 14 publications

References 26 publications

Why all John's Friends are Dutch, Not German: On the Determiner-Like Characteristics of the Inflection on the Universal Quantifier in West Germanic

Why all John's Friends are Dutch, Not German: On the Determiner-Like Characteristics of the Inflection on the Universal Quantifier in West Germanic

No possessor inversion in German PPs

A computational guide to the dichotomy of features and constraints

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About