“…By joining the research on immigration enforcement and home ownership, our analysis also contributes to the theoretical and empirical scholarship of immigrant incorporation (Alba and Nee 2005;Bean, Brown, and Bachmeier 2015;Myers 2007;Park and Myers 2010;Telles and Ortiz 2008;Vallejo 2012), illegality (Chávez 2008;De Genova 2002;Dreby 2015;Massey, Durand, and Pren 2014;Menjívar 2006), mixed status households (Capps and Fortuny 2006;Capps et al 2015;Cardoso et al 2014;Dreby 2012), and the residential stratification of Latinos (Fischer and Tienda 2006;Hall 2013;Hall and Stringfield 2014;Rugh 2015a). Our conceptual model and analysis results strongly suggest that unauthorized status leads to a chain of events from deportation, lost household income, foreclosure, and, ultimately, lost wealth.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, the discrepancy between black and Latino foreclosure rates that emerged and widened over time has spurred inquiry into the role of nativity and legal status in explaining the Latino disadvantage (Allen 2011;Kochhar, GonzalezBarrera, and Dockterman 2009;Pfeiffer et al 2014;Rugh 2015a;Rugh 2015b;Rugh and Allen 2015). For example, Cuban immigrants (who enjoy immigration protections) and Puerto Ricans (who are U.S. citizens) were not as negatively affected as Mexican Americans by the housing crisis (Cahill and Franklin 2013;Kuebler and Rugh 2013).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In the second crisis, Latino households lost their homes to foreclosure more often than any other ethno-racial group in the recent housing crash (Bocian et al 2011;Hall, Crowder, and Spring 2015b;Rugh 2015a). Yet, while millions of Latino households were devastated by the crises of record deportations and foreclosures, we are unaware of prior work that connects the two.…”
Over the past decade, Latinos have been buffeted by two major forces: a record number of immigrant deportations and the housing foreclosure crisis. Yet, prior work has not assessed the link between the two. We hypothesize that deportations exacerbate rates of foreclosure among Latinos by removing income earners from owner-occupied households. We employ a quasi-experimental approach that leverages variation in county applications for 287(g) immigration enforcement agreements with Immigration and Customs Enforcement and data on foreclosure filings from 2005-2012. These models uncover a substantial association of enforcement with Hispanic foreclosure rates. The association is stronger in counties with more immigrant detentions and a larger share of undocumented persons in owner-occupied homes. The results imply that local immigration enforcement plays an important role in understanding why Latinos experienced foreclosures most often. The reduced home ownership and wealth that result illustrate how legal status and deportation perpetuate the racial stratification of Latinos.
“…By joining the research on immigration enforcement and home ownership, our analysis also contributes to the theoretical and empirical scholarship of immigrant incorporation (Alba and Nee 2005;Bean, Brown, and Bachmeier 2015;Myers 2007;Park and Myers 2010;Telles and Ortiz 2008;Vallejo 2012), illegality (Chávez 2008;De Genova 2002;Dreby 2015;Massey, Durand, and Pren 2014;Menjívar 2006), mixed status households (Capps and Fortuny 2006;Capps et al 2015;Cardoso et al 2014;Dreby 2012), and the residential stratification of Latinos (Fischer and Tienda 2006;Hall 2013;Hall and Stringfield 2014;Rugh 2015a). Our conceptual model and analysis results strongly suggest that unauthorized status leads to a chain of events from deportation, lost household income, foreclosure, and, ultimately, lost wealth.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, the discrepancy between black and Latino foreclosure rates that emerged and widened over time has spurred inquiry into the role of nativity and legal status in explaining the Latino disadvantage (Allen 2011;Kochhar, GonzalezBarrera, and Dockterman 2009;Pfeiffer et al 2014;Rugh 2015a;Rugh 2015b;Rugh and Allen 2015). For example, Cuban immigrants (who enjoy immigration protections) and Puerto Ricans (who are U.S. citizens) were not as negatively affected as Mexican Americans by the housing crisis (Cahill and Franklin 2013;Kuebler and Rugh 2013).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In the second crisis, Latino households lost their homes to foreclosure more often than any other ethno-racial group in the recent housing crash (Bocian et al 2011;Hall, Crowder, and Spring 2015b;Rugh 2015a). Yet, while millions of Latino households were devastated by the crises of record deportations and foreclosures, we are unaware of prior work that connects the two.…”
Over the past decade, Latinos have been buffeted by two major forces: a record number of immigrant deportations and the housing foreclosure crisis. Yet, prior work has not assessed the link between the two. We hypothesize that deportations exacerbate rates of foreclosure among Latinos by removing income earners from owner-occupied households. We employ a quasi-experimental approach that leverages variation in county applications for 287(g) immigration enforcement agreements with Immigration and Customs Enforcement and data on foreclosure filings from 2005-2012. These models uncover a substantial association of enforcement with Hispanic foreclosure rates. The association is stronger in counties with more immigrant detentions and a larger share of undocumented persons in owner-occupied homes. The results imply that local immigration enforcement plays an important role in understanding why Latinos experienced foreclosures most often. The reduced home ownership and wealth that result illustrate how legal status and deportation perpetuate the racial stratification of Latinos.
“…Although discrimination is notoriously difficult to identify in observational studies, prior research finds evidence consistent with discrimination against African-Americans in lending markets for homes, vehicles, and businesses (Blanchflower et al 2003, Cavalluzzo & Wolken 2005, Charles et al 2008, Charles & Hurst 2002, Oliver & Shapiro 2006), including disproportionate rates of subprime mortgage loans among black households leading up to the Great Recession (Massey et al 2016, Rugh 2015, Rugh et al 2015). Neighborhood segregation further intensified African-Americans’ vulnerability to subprime lending and home foreclosures (Hwang et al 2015, Rugh et al 2015, Rugh & Massey 2010).…”
Section: Part Iii: Evidence On Wealth Consequences and Determinantsmentioning
Research on wealth inequality and accumulation and the data upon which it relies have expanded substantially in the twenty-first century. While the field has experienced rapid growth, conceptual and methodological challenges remain. We begin by discussing two major unresolved methodological concerns facing wealth research: how to address challenges to causal inference posed by wealth’s cumulative nature and how to operationalize net worth, given its highly skewed nature. To underscore the need for continued empirical attention to net worth, we review trends in wealth levels and inequality and evaluate wealth’s distinctiveness as an indicator of social stratification. Next, we provide an overview of data sources available for wealth research. We then review recent empirical evidence on the effects of wealth on other social outcomes, as well as research on the determinants of wealth. We close with a list of promising avenues for future research on wealth, its causes, and its consequences.
“…Excluding forced moves on account of landlord foreclosures causes the rates of involuntary mobility among white and black renters to fall from 9 % to 7 % and from 12 % to 10 %, respectively. However, its biggest impact is seen in the rate of involuntary mobility among Hispanic renters, which falls from 23 % to 14 % after landlord foreclosures are excluded (see Rugh 2015). 8 Last, roughly 5 % of forced moves were caused by building condemnation.…”
Section: The Prevalence Of Forced Removal From Rental Housingmentioning
Drawing on novel survey data of Milwaukee renters, this study documents the prevalence of involuntary displacement from housing and estimates its consequences for neighborhood selection. More than one in eight Milwaukee renters experienced an eviction or other kind of forced move in the previous two years. Multivariate analyses suggest that renters who experienced a forced move relocate to poorer and higher-crime neighborhoods than those who move under less-demanding circumstances. By providing evidence implying that involuntary displacement is a critical yet overlooked mechanism of neighborhood inequality, this study helps to clarify why some city dwellers live in much worse neighborhoods than their peers.
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