Domains and Functions: A Two-Dimensional Account of        Discourse Markers

Crible, Ludivine; Degand, Liesbeth

doi:10.4000/discours.9997

Cited by 30 publications

(96 citation statements)

References 19 publications

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“…We have observed that the ni que insubordinates are normally triggered by the previous linguistic or extra-linguistic context, which is not surprising, considering that, as the data examined show, the ni que sequence acts as a discourse marker within the expressive/emotive domain, and as such any contextual cue in its interpretation is crucial (cf. Crible and Degand 2019). Consider this fact in (10), where both the linguistic and extralinguistic contexts make for the whole meaning of ni que as an interpersonal emotive marker.…”

Section: Discussion and Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As can be seen, we herein adopt the term domain, taken from Crible and Degand (2019) to refer to "macro-functions which roughly correspond to the speaker's intention and degree of involvement" (2019: 4). Domains are thus understood as clusters of functions which, as a general category, can integrate more specific discourse functions but which are considered independent from the latter (Crible and Degand 2019: 4).…”

Section: Research Questions and Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As is well known, one of the defining features of discourse markers is that they are multifunctional, and this is a feature that we have observed of the ni que discourse marker in Spanish as well. Crible and Degand (2019), for instance, remark that any domain or macrofunction can combine with any microfunction at the utterance level. In the same vein, Domínguez (forthcoming) has found that certain discourse markers in Spanish can combine both an emotive and an metadiscursive macrofunction having to do with the organization of dialogical dynamics, and it is in this light that we shall look into the ni que insubordinate constructions.…”

Section: 'Ni Que' As a Pragmatic/discourse Marker Affecting Textual-organizational Domainsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The expressive function of the ni que insubordinate construction in Spanish

Martínez¹,

Alba-Juez²

2021

Preprint

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Authors such as Schnoebelen (2012: 12) suggest that in some languages (cf. Navajo) certain dependent clauses are frequently used independently to “mark emotional evaluation and background information”. Evans (2007) uses the term insubordination to refer to this phenomenon. Our study focuses on a particular insubordinate construction introduced by the sequence ni que in Spanish, as in the example [¡Una carta cada día!] Ni que yo fuese Umbral. (CORPES 100), used as an independent clause with a sociopragmatic meaning which is different from that of its subordinate counterpart (cf. No escribiría una carta cada día ni que yo fuese Umbral). Our research questions ask about the potential for ni que to be used as a discourse marker fulfilling an expressive function when it introduces this type of construction, and the derived hypothesis is then oriented to test whether Schnoebelen's (2012) observation about insubordinate constructions applies also to this Spanish construction. In order to test this hypothesis, we performed a functional-discourse analysis of more than 2000 concordances (and their extended contexts) in Mark Davies' Corpus del Español and the Real Academia CORPES XXI. Our findings show that the insubordinate construction differs in function and meaning from its subordinate counterpart, the former fulfilling a stronger emotive function, often combined with other discourse-pragmatic functions, such as evaluation or the organization of discourse.

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Section: Discussion and Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Research Questions and Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: 'Ni Que' As a Pragmatic/discourse Marker Affecting Textual-organizational Domainsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The expressive function of the ni que insubordinate construction in Spanish

Martínez¹,

Alba-Juez²

2021

Preprint

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“…In scientific literature, such devices are referred to as discourse markers. Though their main function is to convey coherence of a message, they are also used to express the attitudes towards the message and its addressee (Crible & Degand, 2019).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Annotating Causal Discourse Markers ‘because’ and ‘so’ for Learning English as a Foreign Language

Valūnaitė-Oleškevičienė¹,

Rackevičienė²,

Burkšaitienė³

et al. 2020

PED

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This paper reports on an investigation of the functions of the English causal discourse markers ‘because’ and ‘so’ and their Lithuanian counterparts and analyses the Lithuanian translation equivalents of these discourse markers using the multilingual open translation project TED Talks as a data resource. The results revealed that the discourse marker ‘because’ and its Lithuanian counterparts express ideational cause, followed by its rhetorical equivalent. However, the discourse marker ‘so’ and its Lithuanian counterparts express rhetorical consequences, followed by the rhetorical specification.

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“…The latter was operationalized throughCrible and Degand's (2019) framework, where four discourse domains are distinguished: rhetorical uses, where discourse markers connect ideas, opinions or express the speaker's subjectivity (Example 9);• sequential uses, where discourse markers signal major transitions (topics or turns) and regulate the flow of speech (Example 10); grave oui euh mais pas dans la même manière the topic was uh when someone cheats on their boyfriend or something it's serious yes uh mais 'but' not in the same way (10) parce que c'est mal de laisser da:ans croire qu'il a raison alors que pas du tout donc euh imaginons on est dans le cadre d'une dispute…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The dual status of filled pauses: Evidence from genre, proficiency and co-occurrence

Kosmala

Crible

2021

Lang Speech

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The present corpus study aims to contribute to the debate regarding the lexical or non-lexical status of filled pauses. Although they are commonly associated with hesitation, disfluency, and production difficulty, it has also been argued that they can serve more fluent communicative functions in discourse (e.g., turn-taking, stance-marking). Our work is grounded in a usage-based and discourse-functional approach to filled pauses, and we address this debate by examining the multiple characteristics of euh and eum in spoken French, as well as their co-occurrence with discourse markers. Combining quantitative and qualitative analyses, we analyze their distribution across different communication settings (prepared monologs vs. spontaneous conversations) and levels of language proficiency (native vs. non-native). Quantitative findings indicate differences in frequency, duration, position, and patterns of co-occurrence across corpora, and our qualitative analyses identify fine-grained differences, mainly two distinct patterns of distribution (initial position clustered with a discourse marker vs. medial position clustered with other hesitation markers), reflecting the different “fluent” and “disfluent” uses of filled pauses. We thus argue for a dual status of euh and eum based on formal, functional, and contextual features.

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Domains and Functions: A Two-Dimensional Account of Discourse Markers

Cited by 30 publications

References 19 publications

The expressive function of the ni que insubordinate construction in Spanish

The expressive function of the ni que insubordinate construction in Spanish

Annotating Causal Discourse Markers ‘because’ and ‘so’ for Learning English as a Foreign Language

The dual status of filled pauses: Evidence from genre, proficiency and co-occurrence

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