Does Size Really Matter? On the Relationship between Immigrant Group                     Size and Anti-Immigrant Prejudice

Pottie‐Sherman, Yolande; Wilkes, Rima

doi:10.1111/imre.12191

Cited by 122 publications

(57 citation statements)

References 79 publications

(163 reference statements)

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“…Meanwhile, this version of group threat theory has received limited support in Europe (Pottie‐Sherman & Wilkes ) and is at odds with previous Nordic comparisons using aggregate measures (Ervasti et al ). Another scenario, therefore, is the one suggested by intergroup contact theory (Hewstone & Swart ) that more immigrants leads to less opposition.…”

Section: The Country Contextsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who's Welcome and Who's Not? Opposition towards Immigration in the Nordic Countries, 2002–2014

Bohman

2018

Scand Pol Stud

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This article demonstrates the analytical advantages of studying not only the degree to which people oppose immigration in a country, but also the character of their opposition. Using Latent Class Analysis and data from the European Social Survey, Nordic patterns and trends are examined with the aim of identifying different kinds of immigration attitudes and how they develop in different national contexts. The Nordic countries are interesting to compare as, while they are similar in many respects, they also diverge significantly from each other in areas theoretically considered important to the formation of attitudes towards immigration. Studying the character of immigration opposition reveals five different types of immigration attitudes. These are differently distributed between the Nordic countries as well as over time, and include nativist opposition (opposition only towards immigrants of ethnic/racial groups other than that of the majority population) and economic opposition (opposition that entails a separation between immigrants considered to be an economic resource and an economic burden). By demonstrating how immigration opposition in the Nordic countries varies not only in degree but also in character, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of the nature of immigration opposition as well as of how different attitudinal profiles evolve under different contextual circumstances.

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Section: The Country Contextsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who's Welcome and Who's Not? Opposition towards Immigration in the Nordic Countries, 2002–2014

Bohman

2018

Scand Pol Stud

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“…In doing so, many studies argue for the realistic account of group interests related to the group competition for limited resources that effectively determines public attitudes on immigration (Olzak, 1994;Quillian, 1995). However, given rather mixed evidence for the "group size" argument (Kustov, Laaker, & Reller, 2019;Pottie-Sherman & Wilkes, 2017), scholars have been compelled to develop a number of additional empirical tests that qualify the popular perception of economic group threat (Hainmueller & Hopkins, 2014;Meuleman, 2010). Most prominently, natives are expected to oppose immigrants who are perceived to be a net loss for the economy due to their characteristics (e.g., low-skilled).…”

Section: Perception Of Intergroup Economic Competitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is There a Backlash Against Immigration From Richer Countries? International Hierarchy and the Limits of Group Threat

Kustov

2019

Political Psychology

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Why do immigrants from particular countries systematically face more opposition? To resolve inconsistencies of prevailing group‐threat theories, I reintroduce a long‐standing hypothesis stipulating that people have a disposition for maintaining status hierarchy between ethnic groups. Accordingly, independent of perceived economic or cultural threat, natives are more likely to prefer immigrant groups of higher status based on the development level of the group's national origin. To test this argument, I exploit a substantial provincial variation of immigration flows and attitudes in Spain—one of the only countries that has received immigrants from both less and more developed countries. Consistent with my hypothesis, I demonstrate that anti‐immigration attitudes are more widespread in areas with immigrants from less developed countries regardless of their economic and cultural characteristics. I further document that many voters perceive stable group hierarchies and that these preferences are more predictive of anti‐immigration attitudes in lower‐status immigration contexts. Overall, these results suggest that even culturally similar and economically beneficial immigrant groups from poorer countries can face public opposition due to their lower‐status national origin, highlighting the independent role of group‐status perceptions in politics.

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“…Making this distinction may be useful in future research. Furthermore, in their meta-study of the effect of out-group size on anti-immigrant sentiment, Pottie-Sherman and Wilkes (2015) found that perceived out-group size is more likely to have a positive effect on anti-immigrant sentiments than actual immigration. Hence, future research should consider including both actual and perceived (changes in) immigration in their models.…”

Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Support for restrictive immigration policies in the European Union 2002–2013: the impact of economic strain and ethnic threat for vulnerable economic groups

2017

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Testing propositions from ethnic competition theory, we examine contextual and individual determinants of support for restrictive immigration policies in 26 European Union member states between 2002 and 2013, a period characterized by enduring economic downturn. We hypothesize that natives in vulnerable economic positions, similar to many migrants, are more restrictive toward immigration, because they perceive more economic strain and more ethnic threat. We expect that natives are more restrictive in times of economic decline -when national unemployment rates and debts increase -especially those who hold similar economic positions as many migrants. We enriched European Social Survey data (2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009)(2010)(2011)(2012)(2013), containing more than 210,000 respondents) with cross-national data on the economic situation. We indeed find that support for immigration restrictiveness is higher among natives in more vulnerable socio-economic positions. They perceive more economic strain, which is directly related to restrictiveness. But economic strain also increases perceptions of ethnic threat, which is strongly related to restrictiveness. We do, however, not find strong empirical evidence that economic decline more strongly affects support for restrictive immigration policies among vulnerable economic groups. Stronger changes in national debts induce more restrictiveness among the full population, but especially among those who perceive more economic strain and more ethnic threat.

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Does Size Really Matter? On the Relationship between Immigrant Group Size and Anti-Immigrant Prejudice

Cited by 122 publications

References 79 publications

Who's Welcome and Who's Not? Opposition towards Immigration in the Nordic Countries, 2002–2014

Who's Welcome and Who's Not? Opposition towards Immigration in the Nordic Countries, 2002–2014

Is There a Backlash Against Immigration From Richer Countries? International Hierarchy and the Limits of Group Threat

Support for restrictive immigration policies in the European Union 2002–2013: the impact of economic strain and ethnic threat for vulnerable economic groups

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