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2016
DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2866857
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Do Politicians Reward Core Supporters? Evidence from a Discretionary Grant Program

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Cited by 3 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…See Stratmann and Baur (2002) and Maaser and Stratmann (2016) for Germany, Psycharis et al (2019) for Greece, Carozzi and Repetto (2016) for Italy, Knight (2002Knight ( , 2004 and Berry and Fowler (2016) for the US. 2 Studies exploring whether the location of core/swing voters impacts the distribution of grants: For France and Italy, see Dellmuth et al (2017), Kauder et al (2016) for Germany, Castells and Solé-Ollé (2005) for Spain and Ansolabehere and Snyder (2006) for the USA.…”
Section: Literaturementioning
confidence: 99%
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“…See Stratmann and Baur (2002) and Maaser and Stratmann (2016) for Germany, Psycharis et al (2019) for Greece, Carozzi and Repetto (2016) for Italy, Knight (2002Knight ( , 2004 and Berry and Fowler (2016) for the US. 2 Studies exploring whether the location of core/swing voters impacts the distribution of grants: For France and Italy, see Dellmuth et al (2017), Kauder et al (2016) for Germany, Castells and Solé-Ollé (2005) for Spain and Ansolabehere and Snyder (2006) for the USA.…”
Section: Literaturementioning
confidence: 99%
“…This also applies to the financing of research and development projects, provided that such projects bind highly qualified workers to the respective locations and have local multiplier effects. Questions frequently addressed in the literature are whether the location of core constituencies and swing voters or vote margins influence the distribution of transfers (see Dellmuth, Schraff, & Stoffel, 2017;Kauder, Potrafke, & Reischmann, 2016;Larcinese, Snyder, & Testa, 2013). In the same way, central governments might use transfers to support aligned subnational governments (see Brollo & Nannicini, 2012).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The idea that presidents alter the allocation of federal funding to further political interests is now well accepted in the literature surrounding U.S. politics. 1 Although early work suggested that congressional particularism (where legislators aim to get their own constituents funding) is balanced by presidential universalism, researchers have shown both theoretically (Fleck 1999; McCarty 2000) and empirically (Larcinese, Rizzo and Testa 2006; Bertelli and Grose 2009; Berry, Burden and Howel 2010; Kriner and Reeves 2012; Albouy 2013; Kriner and Reeves 2015a; Kriner and Reeves 2015b; Stratmann and Wojnilower 2015; Kauder, Potrafke and Reischmann 2016) that presidential particularism can also lead to funds being allocated to constituencies that are politically important to the administration in power. It is unclear, however, how this manipulation affects the economic well-being of politically targeted areas.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“… 2. Core targeting has also been shown to be relevant in other countries, such as Germany (Kauder, Potrafke and Reischmann 2016). …”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A large number of empirical studies that followed, undertaken mostly within single countries, provide also con icting ndings concerning the behavior of politicians. The vast majority of these studies typically relate regional targeting of public infrastructure spending with the vote share of the most recent election providing support both for the 'swing voter' (see, e.g., Castells and Solé-Ollé, 2005; Solé-Ollé, 2013; Azar, 2022), and the 'core voter' (see, e.g., Cadot et al, 2006; Luca and Rodríguez-Pose, 2015; Kauder et al 2016) hypotheses. [1] The paper at hand employs a unique dataset to explore potential political incentives behind the regional distribution of public investment spending in Greece from 1975 to 1989.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%