Do Partisans Always Like Their Inparty and Dislike Their Outparty? An Analysis of Partisans Across the Affective Spectrum

Abstract

What can American partisan affect groups tell us about different models of partisan affect over a recent snapshot in time? Moreover, what implications do these groups have for political trust over that same snapshot in time? Results from the 2020 and 2016 American National Election Studies suggest that most partisans feel positively toward their inparty and negatively toward their outparty (Classically-Polarized)—consistent with classical approaches to affective polarization. However, some feel negatively toward their inparty and outparty (Double-Dislikers)—more consistent with negative partisanship models. Finally, some feel positively toward their inparty and outparty (Double-Likers). Despite recent work suggesting increasing outparty and inparty animosity, which implies growth in Double-Dislikers and the Classically-Polarized, only the Classically-Polarized grew between 2016 and 2020. Regarding political trust, compared to the Classically-Polarized, Double-Dislikers are associated with less political trust, whereas Double-Likers are associated with increasingly more political trust, suggesting substantive reasons for focusing on each group.

Partisan Bias in Episodes of Political Violence

“…In 2020, an estimated 85.5% of U.S. partisans were affectively polarized, simultaneously expressing positive feelings toward copartisans and negative feelings toward outparty members (Wagner & Wiezel, 2022). Researchers commonly operationalize affective polarization through feeling thermometer ratings, where participants report how warmly, or coldly, they feel toward members of various groups (e.g., Democrats and Republicans).…”