Do Migrants Get Involved in Politics? Levels, Forms and Drivers of Migrant Political Participation in Italy

Abstract

Migrant political participation is a central challenge to our democracy, especially at a time when migration is so controversial. This study examines level, forms and predictors of migrant political engagement in Italy, a country where 10% of the total population is foreign-born. We measure migrant political participation on the basis of data provided by the Survey on Condition and Social Integration of Foreign Citizens carried out by the National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT) in 2011-12 (N = 16,056). In addition to individual characteristics, we analyse the role played by the family in influencing migrant political engagement using a multilevel logistic approach. Our analysis shows that migrants in Italy are largely inactive political subjects in comparison with Italian natives. Political disengagement is related to being a woman, low education and residence in South Italy and the islands. Moreover, we analyse the different factors that are driving soft and strong political participation. We also discuss the negligible impact of EU citizenship in enhancing political participation in Italy.

“I Vote so I am”: Marriage Migrants’ Political Participation in Taiwan

“…In this regard, earlier literary debates focused on the legal, social, and cultural factors that contributed to migrants' political marginalisation and disengagement, such as lack of citizenship rights, lack of language skills, and different ethnic backgrounds (Bilodeau, 2008;de Rooij, 2012;Eckstein, 1988;Ortensi and Riniolo, 2020;White et al, 2008). Yet, considering the fact that immigrants contribute to society, like all other citizens, by paying taxes, working, owning businesses and homes, and sending their children to school, their lack of political engagement, imposed or chosen, seems to be a contradiction.…”

“…Often, the literature tends to look at gender as a constraint to migrant political integration and participation (i.e. Ortensi and Riniolo, 2020; Togeby, 2003). Instead, in this article, gender does not only constitute an opportunity of political integration, it also represents a sphere to investigate how identity formation and processes of becoming contribute to shape the making of new political subjectivities.…”

Young Generations' Activism in Italy: Comparing Political Engagement and Participation of Native Youths and Youths from a Migrant Background

“…Several studies show that, despite being a consistent component of the population, migrants are less likely to participate in politics than natives (Penninx et al 2004;Morales and Giugni 2011;Kaldur et al 2012;Zapata-Barrero et al 2013). In the specific, even controlling for socio-economic and demographic variables, research highlights the existence of a significant gap between migrants and natives' political participation in Europe, in terms of voter turnout, representativeness, and non-conventional activities (van Londen et al 2007;de Rooij 2012;Schulze 2014;Pilati 2018;Ortensi and Riniolo 2020). Do immigrants' descendants face the same disadvantages of their parents in the political field?…”

“…Language knowledge is also among the so-called civic requirements in many European countries (Goodman 2010). Concerning naturalisation, there is evidence from Europe and beyond (United States, Canada) that the acquisition of citizenship in the country of settlement is a significant predictor of political involvement (Bloemraad 2006;Hainmueller et al 2015;Ortensi and Riniolo 2020;Anderson 2012).…”

Political Consumer Gap between Foreign Residents and Swiss Citizens: The Explanatory Relationship of Political Resources and Citizenship Status

“…Yet the few empirical studies that analyzed differences in political consumer behavior between national citizens and foreign residents find the latter to be less engaged (Gundelach, 2020;Schenk et al, 2016). Looking at non-institutionalized political participation in general, previous studies show mainly no difference between foreign residents and national citizens (Barreto & Muñoz, 2003;Hainmueller et al, 2015;Ortensi & Riniolo, 2020;Potochnick & Stegmaier, 2020;Quintelier, 2009), or lower 1 Only in Chile, Malawi, New Zealand and Uruguay are foreign residents granted national voting rights (Pedroza, 2015: 28). In some Western democracies, foreign residents are able to vote on a local level, for example in Dutch cities, four Swiss cantons, or a number of American municipalities (Bauböck et al, 2006;Munro, 2008).…”