2011
DOI: 10.1017/s002238161100079x
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Do Individual Representatives Influence Government Transfers? Evidence from Japan

Abstract: Although the conventional wisdom is that representatives to the Japanese Diet are "pipelines" between the national treasury and local constituents, who have great influence over the distribution of central government transfers to and within their districts, the systematic empirical evidence that this influence exists is relatively weak. This paper uses two identification strategies to estimate how much individual Lower House Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) incumbents influence the distribution of government tra… Show more

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Cited by 18 publications
(17 citation statements)
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“…17 Other studies that rely on accidental death to improve causal inference include Faccio and Parsley (2009) and Hirano (2011). 18 On each seat-winning list, candidates next in line to be elected are designated as deputy MPs.…”
Section: Party-specific Assetsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…17 Other studies that rely on accidental death to improve causal inference include Faccio and Parsley (2009) and Hirano (2011). 18 On each seat-winning list, candidates next in line to be elected are designated as deputy MPs.…”
Section: Party-specific Assetsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Electorally vulnerable legislators need to improve their reputation and convince voters to support them (Kellermann, 2013). Such legislators may want to focus on casework activities that directly appeal to their constituents (see Heitshusen et al , 2005; Hirano, 2011), rather than disclosing their own personal policy positions that may diverge from the median voter (see Burden, 2004). In order to control for the effect of electoral strength on parliamentary behavior, this study incorporates two variables that describe a legislator's election outcome: TK index and RS index .…”
Section: Data and Measurementmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…One is why, given that there is “a solid consensus among students of Japanese politics about the centrality of pork barrel politics in both parliamentary (Diet) and local elections in Japan” (Fukui & Fukai, 1996, p. 268), there is little evidence that places delivering more electoral support for the LDP receive more pork. In fact, studies typically demonstrate a negative correlation between pork and levels of electoral support for the LDP, whether across districts or prefectures, measured in vote or seat shares (e.g., Hirano, 2011; Horiuchi & Saito, 2003; McMichael, 2018; Meyer & Naka, 1998, 1999; Saito, 2010). The tournament offers an explanation for this: It expects that LDP incumbents receive their highest levels of electoral support in districts comprised of relatively evenly sized municipalities.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%