Do Gender Quotas Foster Women’s Political Engagement?

Zetterberg, Pär

doi:10.1177/1065912908322411

Cited by 109 publications

(99 citation statements)

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“…A third group of assertions concerns the broader meaning of quotas: Supporters contend that quotas will legitimize women as political actors and inspire female citizens to get more politically involved, while opponents propose that quotas will reinforce negative stereotypes about female politicians and thus further discourage women's political participation (Franceschet et al, 2012). Whereas these studies have generally generated positive evidence for the impact of quotas, the few articles tackling these questions in relation to quota laws has been mixed or negative (Meier, 2008;Zetterberg, 2009a). Whereas these studies have generally generated positive evidence for the impact of quotas, the few articles tackling these questions in relation to quota laws has been mixed or negative (Meier, 2008;Zetterberg, 2009a).…”

Section: Matching Concepts and Research Questionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…To date, most studies have focused on the relatively straightforward descriptive effects of gender quotas, aiming to understand the origins of these policies and how they have altered-or not altered-the numbers of women in political office. Other work analyzes tensions between quotas and democracy (Burnet, 2008;Cornwall & Goetz, 2005;Walsh, 2011), probing among other questions their impact on mass political engagement (Kittilson & Schwindt-Bayer, 2010;Zetterberg, 2009a). A new wave of studies, for example, has begun to explore the effects of quotas on women, asking whether quotas empower women as political actors and confer greater weight to women's issues in public policy (Childs, 2004;Schwartz, 2004;cf.…”

Section: Conclusion: Concepts and Electoral Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As the literature to date has shown, analyzing quotas may shed new light on a wide range of topics of enduring interest to comparativists, whether the topic is electoral reform (Celis, Krook, & Meier, 2011), voting behavior (Cutts, Childs, & Fieldhouse, 2008), party strategy (Murray, Krook, & Opello, 2012), candidate quality (Murray, 2010), legislative behavior (Franceschet & Piscopo, 2008;Zetterberg, 2008), public opinion (Beaman, Chattopadhyay, Duflo, Pande, & Topalova, 2009), or political engagement (Zetterberg, 2009a). They also matter for the study of comparative politics, given that quotas have been adopted in diverse contexts around the globe, affecting the course and outcomes of elections with potential implications for a wide range of political phenomena.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Electoral Gender Quotas

Krook

2013

Comparative Political Studies

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Electoral gender quotas have become the subject of a growing literature in comparative politics, with the potential to affect how scholars study a wide range of electoral and representative processes. Yet, debates have emerged over how to define and categorize these policies, with implications for the ability to compare cases and draw broader conclusions about their impact in countries around the globe. Reviewing these perspectives, this article draws on work on concept formation to propose a pragmatic approach, focused on matching typologies to research questions. It emphasizes the advantages of this solution for promoting cumulative research and concludes with some thoughts for future research on gender quotas and comparative politics.

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Section: Matching Concepts and Research Questionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Conclusion: Concepts and Electoral Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Electoral Gender Quotas

Krook

2013

Comparative Political Studies

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“…Especialmente, cuando las cuotas de género se han extendido tanto entre los regímenes representativos como para guardar más relación con los compromisos internacionales de los países que con la situación de las mujeres (Bush 2011), incluso produciendo un cierto desencanto por lo que se refiere a su conexión con esto último (Zetterberg 2009). Para entender mejor las consecuencias de estructuras institucionales concretas en las que se insertan las cuotas de género, hay que entender mejor cuáles son las fuentes de la discriminación, independiente de las instituciones electorales, y cómo los políticos escogen medidas concretas en respuesta a las mismas.…”

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Ventaja de género en los distritos uninominales: las elecciones en México de 2012

Penadés

Miranda²

2014

Am. Lat. Hoy. Rev. Cienc. Soc.

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BIBLID [1130-2887 (2014) 66, 95-114] Fecha de recepción: 2 de mayo del 2013 Fecha de aceptación y versión final: 8 de enero del 2014 RESUMEN: Los datos de las elecciones de México en 2012 demuestran que, en competición en distritos uninominales, los hombres obtienen ventaja electoral sobre las mujeres. Esto no obedece ni a la distinta experiencia ni al sesgo en los partidos en la selección de candidatas, por lo que este trabajo concluye que se trata de un sesgo de los votantes. También se constata la existencia de sesgo de género dentro de cada partido en el emplazamiento de candidatas en distritos más o menos prometedores y se descarta que pueda ser un cálculo racional para evitar los efectos del sesgo de los votantes. La ventaja de género se debilita mucho cuando las candidatas tienen experiencia legislativa, lo que ofrece una razón para utilizar cuotas de género.Palabras clave: elecciones, México, representación femenina, sesgo de género en el voto.ABSTRACT: Data from Mexican elections in 2012 show that, in single member districts, men obtain electoral advantage over women. This cannot be explained away by the different level of political experience nor by selection bias on the part of parties while nominating candidates in districts of different expected votes. It concludes there is voter bias in favor of male candidates. It is also shown the existence of additional selection bias on the part of parties, and a potential explanation based on gender-neutral seat maximization is discarded. Este trabajo es una investigación sobre la ventaja de género en las elecciones y sus causas, a partir del análisis del resultado de las elecciones mexicanas de 2012 para los 300 diputados o diputadas que se eligen por mayoría simple. La ventaja de género es la diferencia en términos de votos que, en condiciones iguales, obtienen los hombres sobre las mujeres cuando compiten un hombre y una mujer. El principal resultado que muestra el estudio es que existe la ventaja de género y que obedece a un sesgo de los votantes que no puede reducirse a un sesgo en los partidos (sesgo de selección de candidatas en distritos con expectativas electorales relativamente bajas), distinción en la que se sigue a Fréchette, Maniquet y Morelli (2008), cuyo análisis empírico del caso de Francia es un modelo para la investigación.El sesgo de los votantes podría obedecer a alguna característica correlacionada con el género pero no está condicionado por el sexo de los candidatos o candidatas. Sin embargo, se comprueba que el sesgo no puede ser explicado por una de las característi-cas más prominentes de las personas que compiten en las elecciones, el hecho de haber tenido experiencia previa en el Legislativo federal. Dado que en México no es posible la reelección consecutiva de representantes, se trata de una especie de incumbents no consecutivos. Es posible que exista otra característica de las candidatas y candidatos que explique la ventaja electoral de los hombres sin recurrir a una propensión de algunos votantes a preferir candidatos masculinos....

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“…The presence of women in politics has failed to increase public confidence in political institutions or the political process (Zetterberg 2009). Further research would be needed to determine if this could be attributed to women's common exclusion from the more powerful congressional committees and ministerial posts.…”

Section: Perceptions Of Women In Formal Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Female political leadership in the Southern Cone : roles and perceptions of women in formal politics.

Steinmetz

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ForewordTwo years ago I was not even aware of the existence of gender quotas in Latin America, but in 2011 I went to study in Buenos Aires, Argentina for one year. I took a course on the history of gender in Latin America, and I became fascinated with the subject of women's participation in politics. It was an exciting time to study political women in Argentina because Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the first woman elected president of Argentina, was campaigning for reelection. During my first semester of study at the Universidad Torcuato di Tella I wrote a class paper on the relative lack of tangible progress toward the improvement of women's status in Latin America despite the rise of the number of women present in formal political institutions. I concluded that persistent gender discrimination in both society and political establishments continued to limit the ways that women could gain access to political offices and wield the power vested in those positions.However, in early 2012 I had the good fortune to intern briefly for Diputada Gladys Gonzalez, a congressional representative of the province of Buenos Aires, and that experience changed my mindset. I began to see that some women focused on the less powerful or prestigious subjects of governance, such as education and family planning, not because the men forced them to, but because they sought to enact policy changes that would positively alter the lives of women in Argentina. They saw the opportunity to make real progress that would affect women's daily lives, helping them to create better lives for themselves and their families. This inspired me to undertake this research project to investigate the interaction between public perceptions of women in the Southern Cone and the roles that women undertook once they gained access to public office. This work is the culmination of my findings.[2]

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Do Gender Quotas Foster Women’s Political Engagement?

Cited by 109 publications

References 27 publications

Electoral Gender Quotas

Electoral Gender Quotas

Ventaja de género en los distritos uninominales: las elecciones en México de 2012

Female political leadership in the Southern Cone : roles and perceptions of women in formal politics.

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