Do Diaspora Engagement Policies Endure? An Update of the Emigrant Policies Index (EMIX) to 2017

Abstract

How states of origin regulate the rights, obligations, and services they extend to their emigrants has remained mostly in the shadows of migration policy research. We have tackled this gap in the literature by advancing the Emigrant Policies Index (EMIX), which was designed for comparing the degree of adoption of emigrant policies – also called ‘diaspora‐engagement policies’ – across countries in a whole region and, with the update provided in this paper, for the first time in a longitudinal direction. Having previously introduced the EMIX in a synchronic frame, this article presents its scores for 14 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean in 2015 and 2017. This effort already shows that some emigrant policies (e.g. citizenship policies) endure more than others (e.g. social policies). These suggestive findings support the need to compile not only cross‐national, but also longitudinal datasets on these policies.

Analyzing the Main Determinants for Being an Immigrant in Cuenca (Ecuador) Based on a Fuzzy Clustering Approach

“…Regarding the programs for pensioners, the results are in the same line of [27,34,68], in which individuals choose their emigration destinations due to policies that support pensioners and foreigners from host countries, but above all, they require to be able to take advantage of medical assistance. In this context, retirees spend a high monthly average fee on taxes, entertainment, medical services, and so on in their destinations.…”

“…There exists an ample consensus in the existing literature about the main causes for both flows immigrants and refugees [14]. Thus, the list of thirty items correspond to the categories of factors that include economic variables, globalization, political variables, social variables, cultural variables and access variables [15][16][17][18][19][20][21][22][23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30]. Other items were obtained from the items included in the studies of secondary houses as these are also related to the objective of the study [31][32][33][34][35].…”

Conceptualising the Citizenship-Integration Nexus

“…Scholars since the late 1990s have established a cottage industry to study the determinants, effects, and meaning of naturalisation. In particular, the past two decades have seen a boom of policy indices that have made the categorization and comparison of citizenship easier than ever (see GLOBALCIT, 2017;van der Baaren & Vink, 2021;Goodman, 2015;Howard, 2009;Janoski, 2010;Palop-García & Pedroza, 2019;Schmid, 2020), including those that make connections between integration polices and access to citizenship (Ruedin, 2015) not only in Europe but in other regions of the world as well (Solano & Huddleston, 2021;Palop-García & Pedroza, 2021;Acosta 2018). Thus, there is now a significant literature on the empirics at the citizenshipintegration nexus, focusing on outcomes including economic (Džankic, 2019;Peters et al, 2018;Hainmueller et al, 2019) and political integration (Hainmueller et al, 2015;Just & Anderson, 2012).…”

Is there "Latin American" approach to migration governance?

“…Beyond these agreements, under pressure exerted by Donald Trump, the government of Mexico escalated control operations in its territory, with reports of express deportations in which no information was given to migrants about their opportunity to seek asylum in Mexico, in open contradiction to Mexican laws and to international rules and commitments of refugee protection (Amnesty International and Instituto para las Mujeres en la Migración, 2021). As Central American countries negotiate bilaterally and each party tries to frame a particular relation with the USA directly, the possibility of developing a regional approach to migration challenges is weakened (Palop-García and Pedroza, 2021;Zepeda, 2021).…”