Do African Lives Matter to Black Lives Matter? Youth Uprisings and the Borders of Solidarity

Strong, Krystal

doi:10.1177/0042085917747097

Cited by 26 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 33 publications

(24 reference statements)

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“…However, in recent years, popular forms of political education and Pan-Africanist solidarity are witnessing a resurgence with the growing frequency of political movements throughout the Pan-African world aided by the mobilizing power of social media platforms and digital tools. The convergence of political struggles and digital mobilization tools has been the subject of considerable research on contemporary global protests (Castells, 2015;Earl & Kimport, 2011;Gerbaudo, 2012;Mason, 2013) and African Diasporic social movements more specifically, which have struggled to overcome digital divides and parochial solidarities (Royston & Strong, 2019;Strong, 2018;Taylor, 2016). In this section, we examine one ongoing experiment in popular education for liberation, of which we are conveners and participants, the Pan-African Activist Sunday School and Solidarity Network, which formed in response to the #EndSARS movement in Nigeria and speaks to the continued necessity and ongoing challenges in implementation of popular education for liberation in Pan-African struggles.…”

Section: The Pan-african Activist Sunday School and Solidarity Collectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Education for Black Liberation

Strong

Nafziger

2021

CICE

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Popular education has played a central role in Pan-African liberation struggles historically and in the present moment. In the period following African independence, social movements that emerged around and through education in Africa were informed by and in dialogue with related decolonial movements of the Global South. However, the specific contributions of Pan-Africanist revolutionaries to the broader philosophy and praxis of education for liberation is often under-appreciated. This paper explores this impact through Paulo Freire’s political and intellectual engagement with Pan-Africanist popular education movements, radical intellectuals, and broader revolutionary struggles. In considering Freire’s work in dialogue and practice with African revolutionary thinkers, this paper shows that, while Freire shaped elements of liberation education in Africa, he was also deeply shaped and influenced by the historical conditions of the time and key African revolutionaries who were struggling towards similar objectives. Additionally, we explore the continued salience of Freirean educational praxis in contemporary Pan-Africanist social movements, through the example of a present day online pedagogical experiment, the Pan-African Activist Sunday School and Solidarity Collective.

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Section: The Pan-african Activist Sunday School and Solidarity Collectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Education for Black Liberation

Strong

Nafziger

2021

CICE

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“…Movements such as Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, #FeesMustFall, #RhodesMustFall, Open Stellenbosch and similar forms of activism attest to the collective, mobilising potential of networked movements in which various forms of argumentation (including news texts) circulate. The recurrence of the words fall and occupy in difference contexts could be read as gesturing towards the centrality of blame, and the transnational character of the concerns mobilising these protests has already been highlighted (Strong 2018). Media reactions to Overvaal contribute to this environment, since the event elicited significant media interest, including reactions from youth activists and recognised thought leaders, who interact in peer networks (Adegbola and Gearhart 2019;Strong 2018;Bosch 2017;Buire and Staeheli 2017;Hoffman and Mitchell 2016).…”

Section: Argumentation and Opinion Pieces From A Discourse Analytic Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Pure Politicking! Racialised Blame Games and Moral Panic in the Case of a South African High School

Conradie

2020

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This study combines two discourse analytic frameworks, and explores the utility of this combination for unpacking journalistic opinions written in response to a polarising and racialised event in South African education: the Overvaal High School incident. It uncovers strategic constructions of racism within politicised blame games, in the context of Overvaal, and discloses how blame-assertion and blame-denial became implicated in framings of moral panic. Methodologically, this study relies on the concept race trouble, as well as a practical model of argumentation. In conjunction, these two approaches supply insight into both the calculated construction of racism, as well as the incorporation of these constructions into arguments aimed at rationalising blame-assertion and blame-denial. The results are interpreted within theorisations of moral panic. The findings showcase how arguments are produced to blame an individual politician for escalating racial antagonism around Overvaal, instead of offering a deeply historicised and contextualised account of the incident. Consequently, the arguments that shaped the opinion pieces, and the framing of racism involved in these arguments, ultimately obfuscate inquiry into structural determinants of racial inequity. Implicitly, this framing of racism and its incorporation into argumentation and blame games, produce a form of moral panic, in which South Africans racialised as white are construed as embattled by self-serving (black) politicians. Such politicians are vilified, or rendered as folk devils, and the results indicate how this process evades penetrating analyses of racialisation and its intersection with unequal education.

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“…The average situation in Africa is even worse. Rapid demographic changes within the last 30 years account for the biggest and most fast-growing population of young people in the world: 70 per cent of the continent's overall population is under 30 (Strong 2018). Worse still, three out of five young workers in Africa lack the education required for the participation in the labor market, which leads to long-term unemployment that reached its peak (48.1 per cent) in 2014 (Strong 2018).…”

Section: Analysis Of the Reasons For The Growing Number Of Civic Protest Movementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Since 2005 Africa has seen over 100 massive anti-government protests in over 40 countries with the majority of them taking place after 2012 (Strong 2018). Modern protest movements that intensified within the past few years (mostly since 2015) differ from those observed in the 2000s.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Mobilization movements intend to demonstrate resentment towards the ruling circles' policies that are not aimed at improving people's lives and do not adhere to the principle of democratic rotation. They are mainly supported by 'urban lower and middle classes' (Strong 2018), unemployed or underemployed youth dissatisfied with their state's and government's policies, economic instabil-ity, corruption and the establishment hindering young professionals to rejuvenate the institutions of state power, which leaves youth only two alternatives: either sea or desert, either emigration or radicalization (Sadallah, Porret and Paolini 2018).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Global Political Destabilization and Modern Civic Protest Movements in Sub-Saharan Africa

Sadovskaya¹,

Fakhrutdinova²,

Kochanova³

2019

jogs

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The article is devoted to the modern civic movements in sub-Saharan Africa that in recent years have experienced the third wave of their activation, which coincided with the beginning of the Arab spring of 2011 (after the struggle for independence in the 1950-1970s and the establishment of the state democratic institutions in 1990s). The peculiarity of these movements is the large-scale street mobilization, the main driving force of which is urban youth, more exposed to mass unemployment than other age groups, while rural population is relatively inert. Street mobilizations are led by activists from the educated middle class, users of social networks, closely connected with each other in real time. Their leaders have sufficient knowledge in all areas of life in Africa and abroad. This gives them an understanding of the global disparities be-tween African and developed countries in economic development, medicine, education, as well as in living standards and life expectancy. The purpose of mobilization movements is to demonstrate resentment towards the ruling circles' policies that are not aimed at improving people's lives and do not adhere to the principle of democratic rotation: rejuvenation of political elites and training alternative leaders. Protest movements are active in countries lacking public consensus, especially before and during presidential election campaigns. At the same time, the article draws attention to the fact that, being predominantly political in nature, civic protest movements in this macrozone are becoming an important part of the political process and even result in changes of leadership (Senegal and Burkina Faso). Being inherently anti-system, they are organizationally unrelated with Journal of Globalization Studies 2019 • November 78 opposition parties, unions and their leaders. These movements are usually financed by Western foundations and international non-governmental organizations. The article shows the development dynamics of these protest movements and the role they may assume in transforming the political space of those countries where protest activities are particularly pronounced. In this regard, it is equally important to analyze how civic protest movements are treated by acting governments that try to neutralize them through increased political control. Already the trend to restrict freedom of press and media is getting increasingly visible, with the authorities hampering the use of Internet and overusing police force. One cannot exclude that these 'anti-system' movements will eventually transform into political parties, with their leaders turning into political actors.

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Do African Lives Matter to Black Lives Matter? Youth Uprisings and the Borders of Solidarity

Cited by 26 publications

References 33 publications

Education for Black Liberation

Education for Black Liberation

Pure Politicking! Racialised Blame Games and Moral Panic in the Case of a South African High School

Global Political Destabilization and Modern Civic Protest Movements in Sub-Saharan Africa

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