Dizque: Epistemics blurring evidentials in Mexican Spanish

Mora, Juliana De la; Maldonado, Ricardo

doi:10.1016/j.pragma.2015.03.019

Cited by 29 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 17 publications

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“…In the Romance context, a marker equivalent to diu que (or Say+That) appears in various languages. Special attention has been paid to it in American Romance languages, both in Brazilian Portuguese (Casseb Galvão's 2001) and in the Spanish of Colombia, Mexico, Bolivia and Ecuador (Travis 2006;Olbertz 2005Olbertz , 2007Babel 2009;Mora & Maldonado 2015;cf. a summary in Alcázar 2018: 729-733).…”

Section: Romance Emergent Evidential Forms With Say Verbs State Of the Artmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It can have a similar function in Bolivian Spanish (Babel 2009), and in Brazilian Portuguese too (Casseb Galvão's 2001). 13 Nonetheless, other studies have reached the conclusion that the use of dizque in Mexican Spanish has a predominantly epistemic nature with mirative extensions (de la Mora & Maldonado 2015). In fact, one could hypothesize that the evidential value appears when another que precedes the Mexican marker and que dizque (evidential que + epistemic dizque) is used.…”

Section: Romance Emergent Evidential Forms With Say Verbs State Of the Artmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Evidentiality in Spoken Catalan. The Evidential Marker Diu Que

2020

AFEL

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This study deals with an Catalan evidential marker without a written tradition, but mainly an oral one: diu que ('(s)he.says.that', 'it is said that'), a Romance correlate for dizque (Spanish) or dice che (Italian) (cf. Travis 2006, Cruschina 2015, Alcázar 2018. The spoken, dialectal and, to some extent, residual nature of this marker forces us to search for different sources in order to approach it. The study focuses on the oral recordings of Museu de la Paraula [Word Museum] -an ethnological archive with monological spoken texts-will be completed with the examination of the first results of the colloquial corpus Parlars -a dialectal and informal corpus with monological and dialogical spoken texts. The analysis of diu que and the corpus data show a partially grammaticalized construction with a reportative evidential value. A mirative extension can be also found, but not a pure epistemic meaning. Also, the rise of diu que has been seen as an example of grammatical constructionalization with a tendency towards more subjective meanings, from a quotative strategy to a reportative evidential marker. Related markers such as que diu que or the conventional formula to begin tales això diu que era have been attested.

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Section: Romance Emergent Evidential Forms With Say Verbs State Of the Artmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Romance Emergent Evidential Forms With Say Verbs State Of the Artmentioning

confidence: 99%

Evidentiality in Spoken Catalan. The Evidential Marker Diu Que

2020

AFEL

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“…According to the WALS (De Haan, 2013a, 2013b), Spanish is a non-evidential language. It only has a few discourse markers and constructionalized forms with core evidential meaning (dizque, por lo visto, al parecer, Estellés and Albelda, 2014;Albelda, 2015;De la Mora and Maldonado, 2015;Kotwica, 2015Kotwica, , 2017González-Ramos, 2016;Estellés, 2018). Accordingly, reference will be made to the constructionalization of the sequence se ve que.…”

Section: Sciencedirectmentioning

confidence: 99%

From visual perception to evidentiality: A functional empirical approach to se ve que in Spanish

Marco

Jansegers

2019

Lingua

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The Spanish sequence se ve (que) presents intricate functional polysemy, including constructionalization as an evidential. The present paper investigates its different formal-functional combinations and degrees of specialization as an evidential construction. The following questions were addressed: (1) How many different senses can be distinguished in the sequence se ve (que) and what are their respective frequencies? (2) How do these senses correlate with the morphosyntactic behavior of the sequence se ve (que)? (3) Which senses of se ve (que) are more closely related to each other, and how does the evidential construction relate to this polysemous network? The semantic and formal affinities of se ve (que) were studied through the Behavioral Profiles method developed by Gries and Divjak (2009), which provides an empirical, systematic and verifiable approach to studying lexical phenomena. Its application to a pragmatic phenomenon is a new departure. The results show seven senses of se ve (que), ranging from the lexical value of direct physical perception to the more abstract and evidential value of 'source of information'. According to the corpus analysis, the closest senses to the evidential pole are indirect physical perception and cognitive perception. These all introduce an inflected verb clause, possess propositional scope and are morphosyntactically frozen..

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“…All in all, it seems that the QP que (which is categorically produced with the falling contour) could be related to low-cost polar/confirmatory requests or offers in Central Catalan (that is, requests or offers where a positive answer is expected). Interestingly, in other Ibero-Romance varieties, such as Mexican Spanish, que can encode evidentiality (hearsay) in polar questions and declaratives (see (4) and (5) (De la Mora & Maldonado, 2015, p. 174).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…There is a clear relationship, however, between epistemic and evidential expressions. Speaker certainty is typically based on some type of evidence, and often the line between evidentiality and epistemicity can be blurred (De la Mora & Maldonado, 2015).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Experimental Evidence for the Role of Intonation in Evidential Marking

2017

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This paper investigates the role of intonation in the marking of directly-perceived information in Majorcan Catalan polar questions. We conducted a perception experiment in which a total of 72 participants were introduced to a set of twins who were exposed to different types of evidence for a given p(roposition). One twin inferred p based on direct sensory information (via one of the five senses), while the other had been told that p by a third party, that is, reported information. Participants listened to a set of discourse contexts that ended in critical stimuli with three attested combinations of particle/intonation in this variety of Catalan: (1) polar questions produced with a falling nuclear contour ¡H+L* L%; (2) polar questions headed with the particle que 'that' produced with ¡H+L* L%; and (3) polar questions headed with the particle que and produced with a rise-fall L+H* L%. After hearing the stimulus, participants had to decide which of the twins had uttered the question-the one who inferred a proposition ( p) based on direct sensory information or the one who had been told p by a third party. The results show that listeners very consistently associate the que + L+H* L% combination with inferences drawn from direct sensory evidence as opposed to reported evidence. This shows that particles may work in tandem with intonation to convey the information source. Importantly, we show that intonation is a part of grammar that may be recruited for evidential strategies.

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Dizque: Epistemics blurring evidentials in Mexican Spanish

Cited by 29 publications

References 17 publications

Evidentiality in Spoken Catalan. The Evidential Marker Diu Que

Evidentiality in Spoken Catalan. The Evidential Marker Diu Que

From visual perception to evidentiality: A functional empirical approach to se ve que in Spanish

Experimental Evidence for the Role of Intonation in Evidential Marking

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