Divided We Stand: Institutional Sources of Ethnofederal State Survival and Collapse

Hale, Henry E.

doi:10.1353/wp.2004.0011

Cited by 203 publications

(83 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…1 The breakdown of the USSR offers a good example of this argument. Variants of this institutional view include Bunce (1999); Hale (2004);Beissinger (2002).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining the Demand for Sovereignty

Milanović

Sambanis

2011

Policy Research Working Papers

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Why do groups want to secede and where are we most likely to see demands for self-determination? We propose an economic explanation whereby a tradeoff between income and sovereignty implies that, other things being equal, richer regions are more likely to want more autonomy and conflict arises due to a disparity between desired and actual levels of sovereignty. We provide simple empirical tests using new data collected at the level of second-tier administrative subdivisions in forty eight decentralized countries. We find a positive association between, on the one hand, relative regional income, regional population share, natural resource endowment, and regional inter-personal inequality and, on the other hand, observed sovereignty levels. Ethnically distinct regions have lower sovereignty, but this association is only conditional on controlling for the interactive effects between ethnic distinctiveness and regional inter-personal inequality.

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“…1 The breakdown of the USSR offers a good example of this argument. Variants of this institutional view include Bunce (1999); Hale (2004);Beissinger (2002).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining the Demand for Sovereignty

Milanović

Sambanis

2011

Policy Research Working Papers

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“…According to Hale (2004), in such divided societies with geographically concentrated communal groups, a federal system is undoubtedly an excellent way to provide a sense of autonomy for these groups.…”

Section: Spatial Organization Of Power and Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spatiality of ethnic identity and construction of sociopolitical interaction in South Sudan

Madut¹

2017

hgeo

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This article explores the complexity of the spatial construction of ethnicity, identity, and sociopolitical interaction among South Sudanese ethnic groups. The article focuses on the interplay between social interaction and the construction of ethnic identity as they affect the notion of human interaction and welfare. The narratives are based on the political sociology of South Sudan after its independence from Sudan and challenges endured in the process of sociopolitical transformation towards the reconstruction of national identity and peaceful coexistence. This discourse gives meaning to visible and invisible ethno-cultural constructions that shaped the norms of social and political interactions among various ethnic groups in the country. The analysis concluded that South Sudan society is socially, politically, and culturally constructed along ethnicized communities with variant perceptions of group and regional identities based on both primordial ties and instrumentalists' perceptions. These unique characteristics of spaces and construction of social structure has created multifaceted challenges in the process of social, economic and political reconstruction after the independent of South Sudan in July 2011.

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“…Autonomierechte werden im überwiegenden Teil der empirischen Studien lediglich als Teilaspekt von politischen Dezentralisierungsinstitutionen berücksichtigt, die z. B. auch föderale Strukturen umfassen (Brancati 2006, Hale 2004. Werden Autonomierechte im Speziellen untersucht, kommen Studien, die auf dem MAR-Datensatz basieren, zu dem Schluss, dass historische politische Autonomie die Sezessionswahrscheinlichkeit einer kulturellen Gruppe signifikant erhöht (Gurr 1993 (Schubert 2012, 192) führe zu einer kulturellen Hegemonie der Mehrheit in den meisten Nationalstaaten (Taylor 1993, 57).…”

Section: Die Anerkennung Kultureller Besonderheit In Der Empirischen unclassified

Innerstaatliche politische Konflikte und die Anerkennung kultureller Besonderheit. Der Beitrag Will Kymlickas multikulturalistischer politischer Theorie zur empirischen Konfliktforschung

Guérin

2017

ozp

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Intrastate politicical conflicts and the recognition of cultural particularitiesThe contribution of Will Kymlicka's multiculturalist political theory to empirical conflict research Abstract The multiculturalist theory by Will Kymlicka studies conditions of a "good democracy" in culturally heterogeneous societies. In this context Kymlicka pleads for social and political recognition of cultural minorities. How relevant are these demands when it comes to intrastate cultural conflicts? The aim of this paper is to create a dialogue between the multiculturalist theory and quantitative conflict research. To this end a preliminary regression analysis was conducted. It generated three main results: Out of all demands formulated by Kymlicka only political representation rights effectively diminish conflict probability. Autonomy rights even seem to have the opposite effect, thus to increase conflict probability. The tolerance of a society does not impact on the conflict probability. The central (multiculturalist) insight, of relevance for both academics and practioners, hereby is that political recognition can only have an impact, if any, if the targeted groups actually feel recognized.

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Divided We Stand: Institutional Sources of Ethnofederal State Survival and Collapse

Cited by 203 publications

References 33 publications

Explaining the Demand for Sovereignty

Explaining the Demand for Sovereignty

Spatiality of ethnic identity and construction of sociopolitical interaction in South Sudan

Innerstaatliche politische Konflikte und die Anerkennung kultureller Besonderheit. Der Beitrag Will Kymlickas multikulturalistischer politischer Theorie zur empirischen Konfliktforschung

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