Divided national memories and EU crises: how Eurosceptic parties mobilize historical narratives

Petrović, Nikola

doi:10.1080/13511610.2018.1523710

Cited by 10 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…WhatsApp, but also Instagram or TikTok, because of the youth, seems of interest to measure the polarization (Fletcher et al, 2020). As Euroscepticism is a key feature of current European politics (Petrović, 2019), its narratives on social media should be addressed.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Along with this, the post-industrial paradigm suggested by authors such as Inglehart (1967) or Habermas (1974) is now in crisis because of the many setbacks suffered from the European project. Hence, the absence of a European demos has become a frequent topic in the literature (Favell, 2008;Gripsrud & Weibull, 2010), reinforced by the breakthrough of Eurosceptic movements across the continent (Petrović, 2019).…”

Section: Political Communication Of the Eu: Between The Communicationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Understanding the European Public Sphere: a review of pending challenges in research

Rivas-de-Roca

García-Gordillo

2021

European Politics and Society

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This paper seeks to present a theoretical development of the main lines of research that have addressed the emergence of a European Public Sphere (EPS). To this end, the outcomes of the literature are organized into three main categories: political communication in the European Union (EU), the role of digital platforms in a potential public sphere, and the progressive politicization of the EU. Finally, a range of pending challenges are identified. Facing them will help improve research in this field. The increasing politicization of 'Europe' as a topic in the literature and the constant use of digital platforms encourage a European public opinion, which acts together on certain issues beyond the institutional framework. The studies of the coming years have the challenge of combining these variables as well as broadening methodological and theoretical models.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Political Communication Of the Eu: Between The Communicationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding the European Public Sphere: a review of pending challenges in research

Rivas-de-Roca

García-Gordillo

2021

European Politics and Society

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“…However, counter-narratives can be hostile, and destabilizing, and they can very well be harnessed by powerful agents to be turned into master narratives. This has been pointed out by several recent studies focusing on how Eurosceptic and right-wing groups of actors engage in the construction of counter-narratives in order to yield political and symbolic power (Conrad et al, 2019;Petrović, 2019;Volk, 2019; see also Lucchesi, 2020 in this issue).…”

Section: Counter-narrativementioning

confidence: 93%

Narrative and Europeanization: bringing together two processual notions

Lueg¹,

Carlson

2020

CPE

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State of the art -subjects and range within contemporary researchNarratives and the notion of Europe are closely interconnected, both by cultural frameworks of what constitutes Europe and 'being European', and by EU-related stories crafted for political purposes. In a broader, much more paradigmatic perspective, narrative inquiry suggests that stories, as constructed and reconstructed by agents, are to be considered constituents of social interaction and phenomena, in general. Narratives construct and constrain individual and group identity (Hyvärinen et al., 2010;Loseke, 2007;Somers, 1994;Weick, 1995). What is more, they do construct phenomena agents perceive as reality (Bruner, 1991) by organizing identities into cultural or political institutions (Ewick & Silbey, 1995). Through the use of narratives and stories humans create a sense of meaning and purpose between fragmented events and experiences. Experiences are meaningful parts of shaping humans' stories about themselves (Johansen, 2012;McAdams, 1996) with regard to the social context they relate to. In exactly this sense, narratives contribute to the construction of 'Europe' and its political representation, the European Union (EU), as meaningful entities, and they appear in various forms in relation to the process of European integration, thereby shaping and permeating countless dimensions of social life (for an overview of European narratives and counter-narratives cf. Bârğaoanu et al., 2017). This has been clearly demonstrated by an abundance of research literature coming from scientific disciplines such as anthropology, cultural studies, economics, geography, history, law, literary studies, political science and sociology (although the latter, we would argue, to date plays a somewhat minor role in this field). Thus, corresponding narratives have been crafted and construed, passed on and modified by various intellectuals, writers, artists, scholars and politicians (Chenal & Snelders, 2012;Dittmer, 2014;Forchtner & Kølvraa, 2012;Petrović, 2017) as well as by newspapers (Rovisco, 2010). Sometimes, this occurs in a professionally fabricated manner as in the case of the European Commission's attempt to foster a 'new narrative for Europe' (

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“…3 Third, the emphasis on the Christian character of both CEE nations and Europe as a whole, exemplified in the expression "Christian Europe" often used by Orbán. Fourth, strong historical narratives of national pride and Western betrayal, exemplified particularly by Orbán's insistence on the historical role of Hungary as a Christian bulwark and evocation of the Trianon trauma (see Petrović, 2019).…”

Section: Theoretical-conceptual Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Anti-EU Backlash from Below or Above? Public Opinion in Central and Eastern Europe Prior to the 2015 Migration Crisis

Petrvić

Mrakovčić

Fila

2021

Rev. sociol. (Online)

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Relations between Brussels and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) worsened during and after the 2015 migration crisis. In order to see to what extent CEE citizens contributed to and/or resonated with this new state of affairs, this paper investigates public opinion before the migration crisis in seven CEE EU Member States. We inquire whether the main issues of the rift (CEE political elites’ opposition to following EU decisions and immigration and their emphasis on sovereignism, nationalism, Christian Europe and historical traumas) could also be traced to public stances towards these issues before the migration crisis. We used the ISSP National Identity module conducted in 2013 and 2014 in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia and Slovenia. The results show that opposition to EU supranationalism was not linked to ethnic nationalism and religious identity (except in Hungary). Contrary to political elites, who emphasised the cultural threat posed by migration, public opinion was more concerned with the economic threat. Moreover, the perception of cultural threat was not linked to opposing EU supranationalism in any of the countries. However, particularly support for sovereignism (in almost all the countries), but also pride in national history (in some countries) correlated negatively with support for EU supranationalism. The results suggest that political elites can bypass public opinion to construct an anti-EU climate, however not out of thin air. The conditions for such a process were present in Hungary with its emerging transnational cleavage, which shows the importance of cleavages in studying Euroscepticism.

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Divided national memories and EU crises: how Eurosceptic parties mobilize historical narratives

Cited by 10 publications

References 43 publications

Understanding the European Public Sphere: a review of pending challenges in research

Understanding the European Public Sphere: a review of pending challenges in research

Narrative and Europeanization: bringing together two processual notions

Anti-EU Backlash from Below or Above? Public Opinion in Central and Eastern Europe Prior to the 2015 Migration Crisis

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