Abstract:The article analyzes struggles about distributive justice in Austria, one of the wealthiest countries globally, and proposes a reinforced focus on how metaphors of redistribution and reciprocity create fiscal imaginaries. It analyzes how politicians, lobbyists, and activists strategically mobilize these metaphors in corporate and wealth taxation debates. Campaigns against wealth taxation portray wealth taxation as negative reciprocity and a threat to an imagined middle class. Those arguing in favor of them cre… Show more
“…Open Access funding enabled and organized by Projekt DEAL. ORCID Chris Hann https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1836-6284 ENDNOTES 1 For further comparative exploration of taxation practices in terms of (perceived or imagined) reciprocity, justice, and moral claims, see Streinzer (2023) and Streinzer and Terpe (2023). 2 The reasons for tweaking the vocabulary and dropping "householding" from the set in the 1950s need not concern us here (see Gregory, 2009).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“… For further comparative exploration of taxation practices in terms of (perceived or imagined) reciprocity, justice, and moral claims, see Streinzer (2023) and Streinzer and Terpe (2023). …”
Reciprocity, redistribution, and (market) exchange were the “forms of integration” put forward by Karl Polanyi as a “special tool box” to investigate relations between economy and society where the principle of price‐forming markets is not (yet) dominant. Though intended as the basis for a comparative alternative to the universalist assumptions of mainstream (neoclassical) economics, Polanyi did not make significant use of these concepts to analyze the noncapitalist societies of his day. This article investigates his Hungarian homeland, which in four decades of socialism evolved from Stalinist central planning to a mixed economy in which (re)distribution was supplemented by the expansion of market exchange, with personal taxation playing a negligible role. The constellation of (re)distribution and market has changed significantly in the postsocialist (neoliberal) era, but Scandinavian‐type societal reciprocity has remained elusive. Long after admission to the European Union, Hungarian fiscal and social policy regimes are distinctive as the market form of integration combines with low taxation and political interventions to (re)distribute resources (including transfer income from the EU) to support the formation of a national bourgeoisie. Theoretically, the perspective of the socialist Karl Polanyi is contrasted with that of the liberal institutionalist economist János Kornai.
“…Open Access funding enabled and organized by Projekt DEAL. ORCID Chris Hann https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1836-6284 ENDNOTES 1 For further comparative exploration of taxation practices in terms of (perceived or imagined) reciprocity, justice, and moral claims, see Streinzer (2023) and Streinzer and Terpe (2023). 2 The reasons for tweaking the vocabulary and dropping "householding" from the set in the 1950s need not concern us here (see Gregory, 2009).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“… For further comparative exploration of taxation practices in terms of (perceived or imagined) reciprocity, justice, and moral claims, see Streinzer (2023) and Streinzer and Terpe (2023). …”
Reciprocity, redistribution, and (market) exchange were the “forms of integration” put forward by Karl Polanyi as a “special tool box” to investigate relations between economy and society where the principle of price‐forming markets is not (yet) dominant. Though intended as the basis for a comparative alternative to the universalist assumptions of mainstream (neoclassical) economics, Polanyi did not make significant use of these concepts to analyze the noncapitalist societies of his day. This article investigates his Hungarian homeland, which in four decades of socialism evolved from Stalinist central planning to a mixed economy in which (re)distribution was supplemented by the expansion of market exchange, with personal taxation playing a negligible role. The constellation of (re)distribution and market has changed significantly in the postsocialist (neoliberal) era, but Scandinavian‐type societal reciprocity has remained elusive. Long after admission to the European Union, Hungarian fiscal and social policy regimes are distinctive as the market form of integration combines with low taxation and political interventions to (re)distribute resources (including transfer income from the EU) to support the formation of a national bourgeoisie. Theoretically, the perspective of the socialist Karl Polanyi is contrasted with that of the liberal institutionalist economist János Kornai.
Nordic welfare states are characterized by universal access to generous welfare services, including education, health care, and developmental support. These benefits are maintained through a shared commitment to economic reciprocity. While the centrality of reciprocity to moral and social life in Scandinavian welfare states is well established, it is less clear how citizens evaluate their own and others' reciprocity in daily life. How do everyday Danes come to know that they are reciprocating properly? What does it mean to ask “too much” of the welfare state? What are the consequences for those seen as unable to reciprocate? In this article, I examine how understandings of reciprocity emerge through welfare access and use. I argue that my Danish interlocutors approach reciprocity as an obligation to use welfare resources for the mutual benefit of citizen and society. This is a lifelong project that involves properly positioning oneself within a virtuous cycle of welfare beginning in childhood. Taking the experiences of parents raising children with Down syndrome in Denmark as an empirical point of departure, I argue that this logic of reciprocity is employed not only to justify one's own welfare use but also as an explanatory model for excluding others from benefits.
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