Dissection

Scheper‐Hughes, Nancy

doi:10.1002/9781444340488.ch10

Cited by 9 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 14 publications

(7 reference statements)

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“…Medical anthropologists strongly oppose any form of organ commodification, from living or dead, arguing that certain things should be inalienable for commercialization. For example, according to Nancy Scheper‐Hughes (, ), organ commodification violates long‐standing modernist and humanist conceptions of bodily holism, integrity, and human dignity, as well as cultural and religious beliefs about the sacredness of the body. Lesley Sharp (, ) argues that human organs are inalienable parts of the self.…”

Section: Abstract Moral Presupposition Vs Embedded Ethnographic Explmentioning

confidence: 99%

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“The Heavier Selves”: Embodied and Subjective Suffering of Organ Sellers in Bangladesh

Moniruzzaman

2019

Ethos

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The rapid growth of organ transplantation has created an illegal market for human organs sourced from the destitute poor predominantly in the developing world. Drawing on challenging fieldwork, I investigate the lived experiences of organ sellers who sold their bodily organs on the black market of Bangladesh. Sellers’ narratives reveal that living without an organ is not just a bodily alteration, but instead it results in embodied suffering and ontological impairment of being in the world. Organ sellers reported that they experienced embodied suffering due to selling their vital organs, which violates long‐standing cultural practices, such as bodily integrity, body ownership, and human dignity. In addition, these sellers faced subjective suffering due to selling living parts of themselves. As they felt, selling an organ divided their whole body into two halves, which destroyed their homeostatic balance, ontological harmony, and affinity with recipients. Sellers referred to these embodied and subjective sufferings as “heavier selves.”

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Section: Abstract Moral Presupposition Vs Embedded Ethnographic Explmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…That damn kidney keeps me up at night. I can feel its drumming inside the empty pocket” (, 177). Moldovan and Filipino kidney sellers also explained to her that they faced social disability for selling their kidneys.…”

Section: Ethnographic Studies On Organ Sellers: a Brief Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

“The Heavier Selves”: Embodied and Subjective Suffering of Organ Sellers in Bangladesh

Moniruzzaman

2019

Ethos

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“…In gestational surrogacy arrangements in India, a woman carries an embryo created from the egg of the intended mother or a donor, and the sperm from the intended father. Such commercial reproductive services flow from the South to the North, or marginalised to the privileged (Scheper-Hughes, 2011), where the bodies of brown women are prepared to deliver white and rich babies (Deomampo, 2016; Harrison, 2013, 2016; Tober and Kroløkke, 2021). In order to ensure that the babies remain secure, the surrogacy industry has designed surrogate houses using surveillance and gendered discipline to maintain order in the lives of the ‘poor women’ who are considered as carelessly too fertile to understand the importance of children in the lives of the commissioning couples.…”

Section: Carceral Domesticity In a Neoliberal Regimementioning

confidence: 99%

“This place is no better than a jail”: The geographies of surrogate houses in India

Bhattacharjee

2023

Environ Plan D

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The commercial surrogacy industry in India administers in a way where the women working as surrogate mothers live in surrogate houses. It is a space deliberately designed and run by either the fertility clinics or a third-party agency, where the surrogate mothers are required to stay for the entire gestation period. The surrogacy industry in India utilizes the vulnerability of couples who do not or cannot have children, in order to prepare valuable and docile bodies which can serve as a platform for accumulation of wealth. This paper draws from an ethnographic inquiry of the surrogate housing facilities functioning in two cities in India: Anand and Bengaluru. The paper will argue that the surrogacy industry in India produces geographies of carceral domesticity by deploying disciplining apparatuses governing the day-to-day mundane activities of the reproductive laborers. The medical experts often resort to the narrative that these women cannot be trusted with the safety of the babies they carry, hence, justifying their confinement in the surrogate house. Further, the possibility that the surrogate mothers may develop emotional attachments to the babies they carry, which in turn, will endanger the surrogacy arrangements, also runs through such narratives of regulation.

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“…More recent efforts to examine Weber are critical of his perspective of science and technology as a practice separate from ethos (Fischer ; Scheper‐Hughes ). But here I pursue Weber's original suggestion regarding the danger to science that emotions may pose.…”

Section: The Mechanics Of Salvage Technologies: a Feelingmentioning

confidence: 99%

How I learned to love the bomb: excavating pueblo politics, love, and salvaged technologies after conflict

Ceasar

2016

J R Anthropol Inst

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This article analyses the human technology of affect in excavation work in contemporary Spain. While the government continues to avoid addressing crimes committed during the Civil War and the subsequent dictatorship, many Spaniards have taken it upon themselves to address the past. The setting is in Abánades, a right-wing pueblo destroyed in battle that rebuilt itself through the collecting and selling of battlefield scrap metal. Whereas some archaeologists and heritage managers view the pueblo's obsession with bombs and bullets as strange, I show how the pueblo's deep affection (cariño) for war materials challenges singular narratives of understanding the past. By examining the discovery and care of these materials through sensorial tools -what I call salvage technologies -we can probe the affective mechanics involved in how knowledge of the past is intimately produced and actively challenged in Spain today.In good weather, there are seventy people living in Abánades, Spain. Once the temperature hits the low teens and the sunflowers begin to turn their heads downward and die, most residents leave the Castile-La Mancha Valley to pass the winter in Guadalajara or Madrid. Aside from an omniscient electric chime that has replaced the need to ring the church bells manually, time seems to stand still in Abánades and visitors and residents alike often wonder if the pueblo will still exist in twenty years. 1 Yet, occupying an area of roughly 22 square miles, Abánades also has a luxury-rural franchise hotel, two recently remodelled guesthouses, and, curiously enough, a museum devoted to the 1936-9 Spanish Civil War.The original intention of the museum was meant to be 'ethnographical' rather than historical. However, the war collection grew and came to engulf the ethnographic section of the museum, which had once included artefacts related to agriculture, traditional handicrafts, and peasant life in general. Today, the collection is organized to evoke what could be considered the 'lighter side' of war. A depoliticized version of the conflict is portrayed in which flags and bombs from both the victorious and the defeated lie side by side behind glass cases with only so much as a placard noting what the object is, what year it is from, and who its owner is.Radical culture, however, is made known elsewhere in Abánades -a pueblo where it is not uncommon to comment in the company of strangers that 'things were better

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Dissection

Cited by 9 publications

References 14 publications

“The Heavier Selves”: Embodied and Subjective Suffering of Organ Sellers in Bangladesh

“The Heavier Selves”: Embodied and Subjective Suffering of Organ Sellers in Bangladesh

“This place is no better than a jail”: The geographies of surrogate houses in India

How I learned to love the bomb: excavating pueblo politics, love, and salvaged technologies after conflict

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