Disrupted migration projects: the moral economy of involuntary return to Ghana from Libya

Abstract

This article contributes to the theorization of involuntary return and moral economies in the context of economic crisis and vulnerability prompted by restrictive migration regimes and conflicts. Drawing on fieldwork in a rural town in Ghana where international labour migration is an established livelihood, it analyses deportations from North Africa, Israel and Europe and emergency return from Libya following the civil war in 2011. The article argues that return to the home town, rather than being detained or stuck en route, constitutes a particular context precisely because migrants face family and community expectations upon their return. Involuntary return constitutes a disruption of migration projects when migrants return empty-handed, going from being remitters to burdens for their families. This creates conflicts and disappointments within family and the local community, especially in relation to norms of provision and gender ideals. The paper highlights three effects of the moral economy of involuntary return. First, that involuntary return does not constitute a priori termination of migration, as many involuntary return migrants migrate again, often in high-risk ways. Second, it discusses the ambivalence of reciprocity and interdependency in families. And third, it shows how involuntary return challenges dominant ideals of masculinity.

Migrants’ Post‐Return Wellbeing: A View From the Caucasus

“…One explanation here is that this relates to differences in meanings, imaginaries and expectations attached to migration and return across places. As for the respondents of this study, their migration processes were individual or family endeavours, not ingrained into broader family or community expectations like is the case in several African or Asian countries (Kleist, 2017;Yeoh et al, 2020). Therefore, they did not mention social obligations hampering their reintegration processes.…”

“…In addition to particular emphases, the results reveal that certain themes are remarkably absent in the narratives. Although the influence of the lack or loss of ties and the importance of social networks was clearly apparent throughout the narratives (e.g., in generating feelings of belonging or in starting up an IGA), respondents did not mention the impact of the socio-cultural shame of a failed migration, the difficulties in meeting family or community expectations, or the social distance between returnees and those who stay (Kleist, 2017;Markowitz and Stefansson, 2004). One explanation here is that this relates to differences in meanings, imaginaries and expectations attached to migration and return across places.…”

« Le retour incertain d’Aya et de Prince »

“…Les risques de l'épreuve du regard des autres peuvent être élevés. En effet, enfreindre les règles d'un retour victorieux au pays et ne pas répondre aux attentes de la communauté d'origine peut conduire à des expériences douloureuses de relégation sociale (Bredeloup, 2008 ;De Latour, 2003 ;Flahaux, Eggerickx, Schoumaker, 2017 ;Kleist, 2017 ;Peutz, 2010). Aya vit depuis longtemps déjà trop loin de sa proche famille pour craindre leur jugement ; elle ne s'inquiète donc pas de rentrer au pays avec un enfant dans les bras.…”

Risking It All: Irregular Migration from Ghana through Libya to Europe and Its Impact on the Left-Behind Family Members

“…Citizens from more than 120 countries were repatriated from Libya, with those from poor African countries suffering the most. About 790,000 migrants (out of which 212,331 were West Africans) fled Libya to the Sahelian countries to escape the war, while those trapped by fierce fighting had to be evacuated by their respective governments (Naik/Laczko 2012;Kleist 2017). For example, nearly 20,000 Ghanaians were evacuated from UNHCR and IOM centres in Libya in 2011.…”