Abstract:In this paper we explore the extent to which ‘discursive deracialization’, the removal of ‘race’ from potentially racially motivated arguments, is taking place in talk about asylum seeking. A discourse analysis is conducted on the part of a corpus of data collected from focus groups with undergraduate students talking about asylum seeking, in which they were asked if they considered it to be racist to oppose asylum. We show that speakers use three arguments for opposing asylum that are explicitly framed as non… Show more
“…This research builds on previous research by Goodman and Burke (2010;2011), who found that speakers constructed accusations of racism towards opponents of asylum as being unreasonable, and attributed their opposition to practical issues such as the economy, which demonstrates Discursive Deracialisation. The aim of this research is therefore to address how accusations of racism are made and rejected in an online setting where the language is less guarded and more extreme.…”
Section: Rationalementioning
confidence: 54%
“…Goodman and Burke, 2011). Opponents of asylum seeking were identified to be defending against accusations that they were racist or Nazis by criticising the taboo on prejudice, and presenting the notion of being victimised as a result of the taboo.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Capdevila and Callaghan (2008) show an example of this in the UK's Conservative Party's claim that their anti-asylum and immigration campaign was not racist, but common sense. This rhetorical removal of race has been termed "Discursive Deracialisation" by Every and Augoustinos (2007:133; see also Goodman and Burke, 2011).…”
Section: Discursive Psychology and Prejudicementioning
In this article, we explore how talk about Nazis is used in Internet discussions regarding asylum seeking, and the issue of whether or not opposition to asylum seeking is racist. Discursive analysis was conducted on discussions about asylum seeking from the social networking website Facebook, where references to Nazis were made. Three strategies were identified: (1) people supporting asylum seeking accuse asylum opponents of being racist by referring to Nazis; (2) opponents of asylum seeking deal with such accusations by arguing that the debate is being suppressed because of references to Nazis; (3) in the final, and most striking, strategy, opponents of asylum draw upon ideas associated with the Nazis and Hitler to bring about their anti-asylum position. These findings are discussed in relation to how the link between Nazis and racism is emerging in the asylum debate.
“…This research builds on previous research by Goodman and Burke (2010;2011), who found that speakers constructed accusations of racism towards opponents of asylum as being unreasonable, and attributed their opposition to practical issues such as the economy, which demonstrates Discursive Deracialisation. The aim of this research is therefore to address how accusations of racism are made and rejected in an online setting where the language is less guarded and more extreme.…”
Section: Rationalementioning
confidence: 54%
“…Goodman and Burke, 2011). Opponents of asylum seeking were identified to be defending against accusations that they were racist or Nazis by criticising the taboo on prejudice, and presenting the notion of being victimised as a result of the taboo.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Capdevila and Callaghan (2008) show an example of this in the UK's Conservative Party's claim that their anti-asylum and immigration campaign was not racist, but common sense. This rhetorical removal of race has been termed "Discursive Deracialisation" by Every and Augoustinos (2007:133; see also Goodman and Burke, 2011).…”
Section: Discursive Psychology and Prejudicementioning
In this article, we explore how talk about Nazis is used in Internet discussions regarding asylum seeking, and the issue of whether or not opposition to asylum seeking is racist. Discursive analysis was conducted on discussions about asylum seeking from the social networking website Facebook, where references to Nazis were made. Three strategies were identified: (1) people supporting asylum seeking accuse asylum opponents of being racist by referring to Nazis; (2) opponents of asylum seeking deal with such accusations by arguing that the debate is being suppressed because of references to Nazis; (3) in the final, and most striking, strategy, opponents of asylum draw upon ideas associated with the Nazis and Hitler to bring about their anti-asylum position. These findings are discussed in relation to how the link between Nazis and racism is emerging in the asylum debate.
“…At Line 12, there is hesitation with the use of “err” around mentioning Jews and an attempt to show awareness of different Jewish divisions yet being cautious not to be offensive. This is similar to the delicacy that is used when discussing issues related to race (e.g., Goodman & Burke, , ).…”
In this paper, critical discursive psychology is used to analyse the Islamophobic discourse by the far‐right party Britain First in its “solidarity patrol” video. Britain First patrolled in Golders Green, North London, to show support for Jewish communities following the ISIS shooting at the kosher supermarket in Paris on January 9, 2015. The Charlie Hebdo shooting and the shooting at the kosher supermarket (as well as other attacks by members of the Islamic State) have led to Muslims being seen as a threat to Britain and exposed to Islamophobic attacks and racial abuse. This presents far‐right parties in the United Kingdom with the dilemma of appearing moderate and mainstream in their anti‐Islamic stance. The analysis focuses on how Britain First used the shooting at the kosher supermarket in order to construct Jews as under threat from Islam. The analysis also includes visual communication in the solidarity patrol video that was used to provide “evidence” that Britain First supported Jewish communities. Results are discussed in light of how Britain First used aligning with Jews in order to appear as “reasonable” in projecting its anti‐Islamic ideology and how critical discursive psychology can be used to show how conflicting social identities are constructed.
“…Targeting pre-registration midwifery education is one way of addressing this issue and evidence suggests that some young people, including university students in the UK have negative perceptions of asylum seekers (Amnesty International UK, 2003;Wray et al, 2007;Goodman and Burke, 2010). It is possible that midwifery students are amongst these and it can be argued that in order to facilitate the provision of appropriate midwifery education, it is important to understand what asylum seeking means to midwifery students.…”
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