Abstract:Black Londoners have complained over the years of being overpoliced and harassed by police officers. The history of such contentious encounters between members of the Black community and the police service dates back to the 1970s, an era that was characterised by the implementation of the ‘Suspicion Laws’, popularly referred to as the ‘Sus Laws’, which emanated from the legislation of the Vagrancy Act of 1824. It was an era most Black people would prefer not to talk about because of the oppressive encounters t… Show more
“…The police go out looking for the aggressive and violent members of the black communities, if necessary provokes them into becoming angry. It is argued, that some white police officers are happy to be involved in a physical confrontation when arresting angry black suspects in comparison to white suspects, committing the same crime [10]. Next, the author highlights the tragic killing of Ms Joy Gardner.…”
Section: 14 Analysis Of Frank Duggan's Death In Police Custodymentioning
On 25 May 2020, the death of an unknown Blackman named George Floyd in the Minneapolis United States has led to a wave of global protests worldwide. The United Kingdom was not left out of these protests. The deaths of black people in police custody are not a new unfortunate phenomenon in the United Kingdom. The author looks at some of these deaths in the United Kingdom from a historical perspective, relying on both racial typologies theorists on one side and the responses, provided by Afrocentric theorists on race over time, on the other side. The author relies on several case studies of black deaths and secondary sources, arguing that racism can be held responsible for most of these killings by the police. The research findings are encapsulated in the trio unfortunate incidents of slavery, colonialism, and apartheid. These incidences have metamorphosed over time, becoming a social stigma black people wear from cradle to grave. The author suggests that police officers who murder black people and hide behind the wearing of uniforms should not be given immunity from justice. The author debunks the myth, suggesting that the life of a black person is often portrayed as worthless by whites folks. More findings are that both black lives and every human being's lives matter with great intrinsic value. No life must be wasted under the guise of policing. The right to life unarguably remains the most fundamental human right, which the state must protect at all times. Without the protection of life, all other fundamental human rights become meaningless.
“…The police go out looking for the aggressive and violent members of the black communities, if necessary provokes them into becoming angry. It is argued, that some white police officers are happy to be involved in a physical confrontation when arresting angry black suspects in comparison to white suspects, committing the same crime [10]. Next, the author highlights the tragic killing of Ms Joy Gardner.…”
Section: 14 Analysis Of Frank Duggan's Death In Police Custodymentioning
On 25 May 2020, the death of an unknown Blackman named George Floyd in the Minneapolis United States has led to a wave of global protests worldwide. The United Kingdom was not left out of these protests. The deaths of black people in police custody are not a new unfortunate phenomenon in the United Kingdom. The author looks at some of these deaths in the United Kingdom from a historical perspective, relying on both racial typologies theorists on one side and the responses, provided by Afrocentric theorists on race over time, on the other side. The author relies on several case studies of black deaths and secondary sources, arguing that racism can be held responsible for most of these killings by the police. The research findings are encapsulated in the trio unfortunate incidents of slavery, colonialism, and apartheid. These incidences have metamorphosed over time, becoming a social stigma black people wear from cradle to grave. The author suggests that police officers who murder black people and hide behind the wearing of uniforms should not be given immunity from justice. The author debunks the myth, suggesting that the life of a black person is often portrayed as worthless by whites folks. More findings are that both black lives and every human being's lives matter with great intrinsic value. No life must be wasted under the guise of policing. The right to life unarguably remains the most fundamental human right, which the state must protect at all times. Without the protection of life, all other fundamental human rights become meaningless.
“…The LCRA Act 2007 set a clear expectation that data will be reported regarding the Indigenous status of recipients of banning notices: “whether any of the persons to whom banning notices were given during that year were of Koori[11] origin” (LCRA Act 2007, s148R(1,a,vii)). This requirement acknowledges concerns about racially discriminatory policing (Weitzer and Tuch, 2002; Weatherspoon, 2004; Tyler and Wakslak, 2004; Young, 2010; Yesufu, 2013), particularly with respect to indigenous Australians (Cunneen, 2001; Walsh and Taylor, 2007; Crofts and Mitchell, 2011).…”
Section: Police Discretion Vulnerability and Banningmentioning
Purpose
Alcohol-related disorder in Australia’s night-time economy has precipitated an expanding regulatory and legislative framework. A key feature is the growth of police-imposed discretionary justice, one example of which are Victoria’s banning provisions. Banning notices are imposed on-the-spot, may be issued pre-emptively, but permit no right of independent appeal. However, there has been little analysis of the enactment, implementation or use of police-imposed banning provisions. The paper aims to discuss these issues.
Design/methodology/approach
This paper draws upon a detailed examination of the record of parliamentary debate of the banning notice legislation to document how the provisions, and their embedded procedural vulnerabilities, were legitimised. In addition, an analysis of Victoria Police data informs consideration of the ongoing scrutiny of the police power to ban.
Findings
The absolute discretion afforded to police officers, and a lack of effective oversight, has created the potential for the disproportionate and discriminatory implementation of Victoria’s banning notice powers. The findings highlight procedural vulnerabilities within the provisions, and concern regarding the particular risk of banning notices for vulnerable recipients.
Research limitations/implications
The nature of Victoria’s banning provisions created the circumstances for their inequitable imposition, but public scrutiny of their use and effect is limited. Omissions and deficiencies in the published data restricts meaningful analysis of how banning works in practice.
Originality/value
The research underpinning this paper was the first detailed examination of the implementation and ongoing scrutiny of Victoria’s banning notice provisions. The findings presented in this paper highlight key procedural vulnerabilities resulting from the passage of the legislation and the absence of effective oversight.
“…Anti-police public sentiment is also noted in the United States (US) (Jackson et al 2020) and France (Restelli 2020). Although, the UK police have attempted to project law and order and have offered the public 'idealised impressions' in line with these expectations (Mawby 2014), the profession has often been marred by tensions in the media (Mawby 2010) and accusations of institutional racism (Yesufu 2013), sexism (Brown et al 2019), and corruption (Holmes 2020). Consequently, the profession has struggled to solidify itself as a prestigious job despite encompassing several highly regarded elements.…”
Article (Accepted Version) http://sro.sussex.ac.uk De Camargo, Camilla and Whiley, Lilith (2022) 'There's always got to be a villain': the police as 'dirty' key workers and the effects on occupational prestige. Policing and Society, 32 (5). pp. 646-663.
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