Discourses on forced prostitution, trafficking in women, and football: a comparison of anti‐trafficking campaigns during the World Cup 2006 and the European Championship 2008

Anti-Human Trafficking Campaigns

“…Closely related to the issue of stereotyping was the criticism of the campaigns weaving human trafficking into the wider discourse on migration and often linking any form of migration to it being a national security threat (Steele & Shores, 2014) or a threat to the “stability” of the host countries (Kimm & Sauer, 2010). Anti-human trafficking campaigns were viewed as predominantly focusing on discouraging labor migration, in particular of women (Andrijasevic, 2007), and conflating, confusing, or ambiguously associating trafficking with other forms of migration (Arthurs, 2009; Kimm & Sauer, 2010; Nieuwenhuys & Pécoud, 2007). Thus, the studies suggested that the anti-human trafficking campaigns were often developed on an assumption that those choosing to migrate were “the ignorant, the stupid, the lazy, or the old-fashioned” (Nieuwenhuys & Pécoud, 2007, p. 1684) and therefore as simply lacking information about the perils of migration.…”

“…The alternative offered by these campaigns is to remain at “home,” which the campaigns presented as a safe place. These campaigns, thus, did not focus on human trafficking as such but rather on discouraging labor migration at large (Andrijasevic, 2007; Arthurs, 2009, 2012; Kimm & Sauer, 2010; Yea, 2013).…”

Sending a Dear John Letter: Public Information Campaigns and the Movement to “End Demand” for Prostitution in Atlanta, GA

“…And regarding men, these PICs tend to represent men as either predatory, dangerous, non-white "others" (Steele 2010, p. 34) who trick and lure women into sex work and other forms of labor, or as white Westerners who are "morally superior saviors" (Baker 2014, p. 218). Scholars thus argue that these social constructions misrepresent the actual extent to which women are trafficked by men into the sex industry (Matheson and Finkel 2013), fuel perceptions that all sex work is forced, and overlook the many other reasons why individuals engage in sex work (Kimm and Sauer 2010), such as to meet economic needs (Hoyle et al 2011) or to explore their sexuality (Queen 1997). In so doing, these campaigns can legitimate criminalizing policies and practices that exacerbate sex workers' social vulnerability (Andrijasevic and Mai 2016), such as restrictive immigration policies (Kimm and Sauer 2010), and arresting young people who trade sex under the guise of protecting them (Musto 2016).…”

“…By 2013, all fifty states, the District of Columbia, and all but one U.S. territory enacted TVPA-like laws, and in 2015, the bipartisan Justice for Victims of Trafficking Act (JVTA) augmented the TVPA by increasing penalties for the trafficking of minors. of women as ideal victims who are vulnerable to the demands and desires of men, engage in sex work involuntarily, and are powerless, passive, and sexless/erotic objects (Andrijasevic 2007;Kimm and Sauer 2010;Schloenhardt et al 2012;O'Brien 2013). And regarding men, these PICs tend to represent men as either predatory, dangerous, non-white "others" (Steele 2010, p. 34) who trick and lure women into sex work and other forms of labor, or as white Westerners who are "morally superior saviors" (Baker 2014, p. 218).…”

Fighting for success : the use of resources by NGOs in the anti-human trafficking social movement.

“…By emphasizing "especially Women and Children" in the title of the law, exploitation was defined in a way that highlighted women and children as the victims, with no mention of adult males (Kimm & Sauer, 2010). The influence of the NGO was so profound that the shifting frame of the trafficking victim is reflected in scholarly discussions of sex workers (forced or voluntary) that nearly always specify "she," "her," or "the women," (Dennis, 2008).…”