Discourse, Identity and Legitimacy

KhosraviNik, Majid

doi:10.1075/dapsac.62

Cited by 30 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 102 publications

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“…At the heart of populist discourse in Iran is hostility toward the U. S. and other Western democracies (Mohd Don & May, 2013;Sheikholeslami, 2000). Traditionally, the U. S. is seen as a bogeyman in Iranian culture, which unifies the country in domestic conflicts (KhosraviNik, 2015). This research confirms that Rouhani's discourse also embraces and solidifies this antagonistic discursive theme.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 68%

“…Thus, Rouhani's semantic choices reinforced the cultural discourse of Othering the enemy, where Iran and its culture are associated with positive connotations and the enemy is associated with negative signifiers. The dichotomy of "country" and "enemy" is also crucial for the hegemonic discourse in Iran (KhosraviNik, 2015;Masoudi, 2019). The hegemonic discourse of the Iranian state is essentially an antagonistic discourse (Golkar, 2012;Karimi, 2018).…”

Section: Findings: the Discursive Articulation Of Covid-19 In Rouhani...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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A case study on the COVID-19 discourse in politicians’ speeches: Investigations into the speeches of former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani

Kermani,

Khorshidi,

Ashtiani Araghi

2023

SComS

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This paper aims to analyze former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani’s thirty speeches on COVID-19 delivered between February 2, 2020 and April 27, 2020. We apply Laclau and Mouffe’s theory of discourse analysis to investigate and analyze Rouhani’s rhetorical and discursive strategies in making meaning of COVID-19. Findings showed that COVID-19 discourse in Rouhani’s speeches has mainly revolved around three nodal points: “the country”, “the enemy”, and “the state of exception”. Thus, the structural articulation of COVID-19 discourse resembles the hegemonic discourse in Iran. Our results also explain how Rouhani used COVID-19 as an empty signifier to reinforce the hegemonic discourse in Iran while trying to redefine his relations with the state-leaning organizations. Furthermore, we analyzed the rhetorical practices that Rouhani employed to articulate the COVID-19 discourse. This paper contributes to a growing body of literature into discursive aspects and implications of a global pandemic by providing empirical evidence form an understudied context: Iran.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 68%

Section: Findings: the Discursive Articulation Of Covid-19 In Rouhani...mentioning

confidence: 99%

A case study on the COVID-19 discourse in politicians’ speeches: Investigations into the speeches of former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani

Kermani,

Khorshidi,

Ashtiani Araghi

2023

SComS

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Gender in Iranian Cinema

Ghaffari

2020

The International Encyclopedia of Gender, Media, and Communication

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Cinema has always been influenced by sociopolitical occurrences throughout its nearly 100 year history in Iran. As such, the 1979 Islamic Revolution also affects the cinema by its foundation of Islamic rules and values. Adoption of cinema as an ideological tool helped the Islamic revolutionary propaganda to expand retrogressive gender policy and practices in which women were represented as second‐class citizens who were to be kept at home as a housewife or a mother with the emphasis on modesty and chastity as the ideal features of a Muslim woman. However, throughout the following three decades after the revolution, and alongside wider sociocultural changes in Iran, the representation of women has been transformed toward reflecting on what women do in real social life and how they contribute to society. Asghar Farhadi, as Iran's most internationally acclaimed filmmaker today, represents examples of this transformation by setting new standards in reinforcing a real portrayal of women's life/role in current Iranian society; women who are crossing boundaries of gender segregation and inequality. This entry looks at the representation of Iranian women within the past 40 years, specifically in Farhadi's two movies, A Separation (2011) and The Salesman (2016), which were both celebrated by receiving Academy Awards for the best foreign language film in 2012 and 2017.

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The “red door” controversy—Middlesbrough's asylum seekers and the discursive politics of racism

Bates

2017

Community & Applied Soc Psy

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This article explores some of the ways in which the current refugee “crisis” has played out in the North East of England, with a particular focus on media coverage of asylum in Middlesbrough, the town with the highest proportion of asylum seekers in the country. In January 2016, Middlesbrough made national headlines when it was claimed that the homes of asylum seekers in the town had been made identifiable through the distinctive colour of their houses' front doors, leading to occupants being singled out for violence and abuse. Drawing on critical discourse analysis of national and local newspaper features and online media content, the article examines contrasting constructions of racism, place, and class in the media's coverage of the “red door” controversy. It is argued that even these humanised constructions of asylum seekers draw on discourses that obscure the existence of elite‐driven cultural and institutional racisms that are a defining feature of Britain's asylum process. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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Discourse, Identity and Legitimacy

Cited by 30 publications

References 102 publications

A case study on the COVID-19 discourse in politicians’ speeches: Investigations into the speeches of former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani

A case study on the COVID-19 discourse in politicians’ speeches: Investigations into the speeches of former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani

Gender in Iranian Cinema

The “red door” controversy—Middlesbrough's asylum seekers and the discursive politics of racism

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