Dimensionality, ideology and party positions towards European integration

Prosser, Christopher

doi:10.1080/01402382.2015.1116199

Cited by 29 publications

(26 citation statements)

References 51 publications

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“…Research has shown that, in the case of mainstream parties in the UK, there is a significant negative relationship between social conservatism and support for EU integration (Hooghe, Marks, & Wilson, 2004;Prosser, 2016). To explain the rising support of right-wing populism in the UK, Ford and Goodwin (2014) note that UKIP's appeal stems from three motives: a hard brand of Euroscepticism, a strong opposition to immigration and a dissatisfaction with the established political parties.…”

Section: The Big Five Model Of Personalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Big Five Model Of Personalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Further, De Vreese et al (2008, p. 519), noted that "a right-wing ideological outlook in particular has a strong and negative influence on support for Turkish accession". The importance of examining the role of authoritarianism in understanding support for the EU was underlined in a study which found that attitudes towards European integration had shifted from being primarily dominated by economic left-right aspects in 1958, to being primarily dominated by social liberalconservative aspects in 2008 (Prosser, 2016). The social liberal-conservative spectrum is closely related to the authoritarian spectrum and appears to be playing an increasingly important role, indeed Prosser (2016, p. 16) further comments that "This finding aligns with much recent research on the role of factors such as hostility to immigration and authoritarianism, which fit within the conservative side of the social dimension, play in structuring citizen hostility towards European integration".…”

Section: Authoritarianismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It has been argued that the then Prime Minister, David Cameron, sought to assuage Eurosceptic Conservative party members and Conservative members of parliament (MPs) by offering the referendum (Matthijs, 2013). Others have noted that a majority of the British public have supported leaving or reducing the EU's powers since 1996 (Curtice, 2016;Ford & Goodwin, 2014), highlighting a significant shift in the attitudes of voters to the UK's continued membership since high points in the late 1980s and early 1990s.Research has shown that, in the case of mainstream parties in the UK, there is a significant negative relationship between social conservatism and support for EU integration (Hooghe, Marks, & Wilson, 2004;Prosser, 2016). To explain the rising support of right-wing populism in the UK, Ford and Goodwin (2014) note that UKIP's appeal stems from three motives: a hard brand of Euroscepticism, a strong opposition to immigration and a dissatisfaction with the established political parties.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…Relationships between political orientation and both agreeableness and extraversion appear less frequently in research, although agreeableness has been observed to have a negative but weak correlation with conservatism. Given the negative relationship between social conservatism and support for EU integration (Hooghe et al, 2004;Prosser, 2016), a reasonable hypothesis is that Leave voters will, as a population, display higher conscientiousness together with lower openness, neuroticism and agreeableness than Remain voters.Within the last decade, a small number of studies have begun to explore how personality traits correlate with attitudes to EU membership, identity, Euroscepticism and immigration (Bakker & de Vreese, 2016;Curtis, 2016;Gallego & Pardos-Prado, 2014;Nielsen, 2016;Schoen & Schumann, 2007). As with political orientation, both openness and conscientiousness appear to play 1 https://osf.io/urt63/ PERSONALITY AND COGNITION IN THE EU REFERENDUM 7 a significant role in attitudes to the EU and Euroscepticism.…”

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confidence: 99%

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The Role of Personality, Authoritarianism and Cognition in the United Kingdom’s 2016 Referendum on European Union Membership

Sumner¹,

Scofield²,

Buchanan³

et al. 2018

Preprint

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The results of the United Kingdom's 2016 referendum on European Union (EU) membership have highlighted deep societal divides. In six studies, we examined the role of personality traits, cognition and cognitive biases in relation to referendum voters' choices. A total of 11,225 participants completed questionnaires and controlled experiments, which assessed differences in personality traits, levels of authoritarianism, numeracy, thinking styles, and susceptibility to cognitive biases including ideologically motivated numeracy and reasoning, framing, and the Dunning-Kruger effect. Participants expressing an intent to vote to leave the EU reported significantly higher levels of authoritarianism and conscientiousness, and lower levels of openness and neuroticism than voters expressing an intent to vote to remain in the EU. When compared with Remain voters, Leave voters displayed significantly lower levels of numeracy and appeared more reliant on impulsive System 1 thinking. In the experimental studies, voters on both sides were found to be susceptible to the cognitive biases tested, but often, unexpectedly, to different degrees. These results raise important questions regarding the use and framing of numerical and non-numerical data for public consumption.Keywords: Authoritarianism, Brexit, Cognition, Numeracy, Personality. PERSONALITY AND COGNITION IN THE EU REFERENDUM 3The Role of Personality, Authoritarianism, and Cognition in the United Kingdom's 2016 Referendum on European Union MembershipThe United Kingdom's 2016 referendum on European Union (EU) membership was one of the most divisive democratic choices presented to the UK electorate in a generation, with polls running almost neck-and-neck between February 2016 and June 2016 (NatCen Social Research, 2016) and resulting in a narrow majority of 51.9% in favor of leaving the EU. The referendum campaign and the months following the result have highlighted deep societal, regional, and generational divides over opinions on integration with and membership of the EU, which are unsurprising as the British have had highly conflicting opinions since the onset of the project (Inglehart, 1970). In seeking to better understand these divisions, scholars and political commentators have focused largely on age, education and "the left behind" (Dorling, 2016;Goodwin & Heath, 2016). However, the role of differing personalities, cognitive abilities and cognitive biases have been largely overlooked throughout pre-and post-referendum analysis.There is a long history of research in exploring links between personality and political orientation, attitudes, and beliefs. Of this research, scholars have consistently identified relationships between political orientation and personality (Carney, Jost, Gosling, & Potter, 2008;Sibley, Osborne, & Duckitt, 2012) and authoritarianism (Altemeyer, 1981;Hetherington & Weiler, 2009; John T. Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003). It is only in relatively recent years that we have witnessed the emergence of studies investigating the ...

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Section: The Big Five Model Of Personalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Big Five Model Of Personalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Authoritarianismmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%