“…We first define five forms of power (constitutional, juridical, discursive, distinction, and crowd) that drive the accumulation of power within the platform. Second, inspired by recent literature on platforms (Ziccardi 2012;Eaton et al 2015;Krona 2015;Bucher et al 2021), we show how counterpower can also be performed by end users and other peripheral agents through crowd and hacking power. Crowd and hacking power are not concepts derived directly by Bourdieu's theory but provide a more comprehensive view of power accumulation dynamics.…”
Section: A Sociosymbolic Perspective Of Power Accumulation and Its Co...mentioning
confidence: 97%
“…For example, Krona (2015) uses the notion of "sousveillance"an inverted surveillance "from the bottom" or "from many to a few"-to describe the novel use of an audiovisual sharing platform by social movements during the Arab Spring uprising. This emergent use emphasizes the emancipatory potential of users to create collective capabilities and decision-making (Ziccardi 2012), which we designate as crowd platform power-challenging forms of power.…”
The power of the digital platforms and the increasing scope of their control over individuals and institutions have begun to generate societal concern. However, the ways in which digital platforms exercise power and organize immaturity—defined as the erosion of the individual’s capacity for public use of reason—have not yet been theorized sufficiently. Drawing on Bourdieu’s concepts of field, capitals, and habitus, we take a sociosymbolic perspective on platforms’ power dynamics, characterizing the digital habitus and identifying specific forms of platform power and counterpower accumulation. We make two main contributions. First, we expand the concept of organized immaturity by adopting a sociological perspective, from which we develop a novel sociosymbolic view of platforms’ power dynamics. Our framework explains fundamental aspects of immaturity, such as self-infliction and emergence. Second, we contribute to the platform literature by developing a three-phase model of platform power dynamics over time.
“…We first define five forms of power (constitutional, juridical, discursive, distinction, and crowd) that drive the accumulation of power within the platform. Second, inspired by recent literature on platforms (Ziccardi 2012;Eaton et al 2015;Krona 2015;Bucher et al 2021), we show how counterpower can also be performed by end users and other peripheral agents through crowd and hacking power. Crowd and hacking power are not concepts derived directly by Bourdieu's theory but provide a more comprehensive view of power accumulation dynamics.…”
Section: A Sociosymbolic Perspective Of Power Accumulation and Its Co...mentioning
confidence: 97%
“…For example, Krona (2015) uses the notion of "sousveillance"an inverted surveillance "from the bottom" or "from many to a few"-to describe the novel use of an audiovisual sharing platform by social movements during the Arab Spring uprising. This emergent use emphasizes the emancipatory potential of users to create collective capabilities and decision-making (Ziccardi 2012), which we designate as crowd platform power-challenging forms of power.…”
The power of the digital platforms and the increasing scope of their control over individuals and institutions have begun to generate societal concern. However, the ways in which digital platforms exercise power and organize immaturity—defined as the erosion of the individual’s capacity for public use of reason—have not yet been theorized sufficiently. Drawing on Bourdieu’s concepts of field, capitals, and habitus, we take a sociosymbolic perspective on platforms’ power dynamics, characterizing the digital habitus and identifying specific forms of platform power and counterpower accumulation. We make two main contributions. First, we expand the concept of organized immaturity by adopting a sociological perspective, from which we develop a novel sociosymbolic view of platforms’ power dynamics. Our framework explains fundamental aspects of immaturity, such as self-infliction and emergence. Second, we contribute to the platform literature by developing a three-phase model of platform power dynamics over time.
“…Other Asian governments have attempted to employ Internet restriction technologies that have civil liberties concerns, but India’s actions are by far the most diverse (Ziccardi, 2012). India has a bewildering array of policies for Internet and mobile content regulation, making it hard for providers and consumers to understand their legal rights and responsibilities.…”
India’s cities are projected to grow by 300 million people by 2050, but this demographic transition may exacerbate fragile communal and infrastructural tensions. To address these challenges, the ‘Smart Cities’ agenda attempts to leverage India’s rapid embrace of technology to generate societal positive developmental outcomes in urban areas that emphasize the use of Internet and communications technologies (ICTs). However, local, regional and national government agencies struggle to balance embracing technology with inclusive development that protects civil rights and liberties. While the benefits are often stated, the acceleration of technology use in urban development can also create exclusionary cities, and many technologies that drive India’s modernization have also facilitated riots and violence between communities. This article explores these contradictions, examining scholarship on Smart Cities and ICTs in the context of the 2015–2016 Patel/Patidar agitation in Gujarat. We conclude by offering forward pathways for the Smart Cities and mobile technology agendas that support inclusive urban growth and development in India but are also mindful of civil liberties.
“…Since the 1990s, when the World Wide Web entered our households, the opportunities for engaging in civil disobedience have multiplied, as the Internet has offered a novel terrain for expressing political dissent (Klang, 2008). This has been frequently touched upon in literature on online activism and hacktivism (Taylor, 2004;Hands, 2011;Ziccardi, 2012;Boler, 2008) as well as in single case examples of digital civil disobedience (George, 2013). The concept of digital civil disobedience, thus, expands the original notion, which referred to purely offline action, by transferring it into an online setting through the utilisation of information and communication tools (ICT).…”
Section: Theoretical Underpinnings and Backgroundmentioning
Abstract:Digital technologies have fostered the rise of new forms of civil disobedience that change and challenge established notions of this form of political action. This paper examines digital civil disobedience using the concept of friction to explore contested entanglements of this kind of protest and its new technological adaptations, as well as tensions on the conceptual level of civil disobedience. The paper is split into in three sections which offer analyses of (a) the historical dimension of this form of protest, (b) seven factors that represent some of the features of contemporary digital forms of civil disobedience, and (c) the recurring motif of power of information within digital civil disobedience. The paper is centered on the notion that transformations of civil disobedience demand a reconsideration of traditional understandings of civil disobedience to meet the conditions of our current society.
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