Differentielle Objektmarkierung bei unbelebten Objekten im Spanischen

Garcia, Marco Garcia

doi:10.1515/9783110290974

Cited by 14 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…In many Romance languages, DOM or a-marking depends on all four parameters (Gerards 2023, Mürmann 2023. This holds particularly true for Spanish (Laca 1995, 2006, Torrego 1999, von Heusinger & Kaiser 2011, Leonetti 2004, Fábregas 2013, García García 2014, Romero Heredero 2022.…”

Section: Differential Object Marking In Spanishmentioning

confidence: 94%

“…As for (i) animacy, only human direct objects can appear with DOM, as shown in (6), while inanimate direct objects must generally be realized without DOM, as in (7). However, there is a small class of verbs, such as verbs of substitution, that allow DOM for inanimate direct objects, as in (8) (see García García 2014 for an extensive discussion). In the remainder of this paper, we will not consider inanimate direct objects.…”

Section: Differential Object Marking In Spanishmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Differential Object Marking and discourse prominence in Spanish

Von Heusinger,

Duarte,

García

2024

isogloss

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Spanish, like many other Romance and non-Romance languages, shows Differential Object Marking (DOM), i.e., some direct objects are morphologically marked by the prepositional marker a ‘to’, while others remain unmarked. The literature has proposed different sentential parameters in order to capture this variation (Fábregas 2013, among others), including topicality (see Leonetti 2004, Iemmolo 2010, among others). In addition, Laca (1995: 82f.) has argued that DOM also depends on discourse properties. She assumes that in Spanish the use of DOM with an indefinite direct object signals that more information about this object referent is to be expected in the upcoming discourse (see also Comrie 1981/1989). First empirical evidence for this hypothesis comes from DOM in Romanian (Chiriacescu & von Heusinger 2010). In this paper we explore the hypothesis that, in Spanish, human indefinite direct objects with DOM show more forward-looking potential than those without DOM. We present original results from two corpus studies and two paragraph continuation tasks. The corpus studies provide support for the discourse effect of DOM, while the paragraph continuation tasks do not, which might be due to the particular design of our experimental items. We evaluate the different parameters that contribute to the discourse prominence of a direct object with DOM and those that might mask such effects. We conclude that there is evidence that DOM contributes to discourse prominence, but that further studies are necessary.

show abstract

Section: Differential Object Marking In Spanishmentioning

confidence: 94%

Section: Differential Object Marking In Spanishmentioning

confidence: 99%

Differential Object Marking and discourse prominence in Spanish

Von Heusinger,

Duarte,

García

2024

isogloss

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…To complicate matters even further, we do find the object marker with inanimate objects without an accompanying shift in animacy (cf. García, García 2007;García García 2014):…”

Section: Gradience and Animacymentioning

confidence: 99%

Shifting animacy

Swart

Hoop

2018

Theoretical Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

We examine the effects of morphosyntactic marking and selectional restrictions of predicates on conceptual and grammatical animacy. We argue in favour of animacy as an ontological category with human, animate and inanimate entities representing discrete subtypes in the domain of entities. We distinguish between conceptual animacy, which is a gradient notion, and grammatical animacy, for which discrete, binary oppositions are needed. The main aim of this paper is to argue for a distinction between overt and covert type shifts in animacy. On the one hand, overt shifts are linguistic solutions to type mismatches in the grammar. Crucially, these type shifts do not involve a shift in conceptual animacy. Covert animacy shifts, on the other hand, brought about by selectional restrictions or by the linguistic context in general, do involve a proper type shift in conceptual animacy. By making explicit the relation between the gradience of conceptual and the discreteness of grammatical animacy, and by exploring the distinction between covert and overt type shifts that involve animacy, we hope to gain a deeper understanding of animacy and its effects on language.

show abstract

“…It has been devised to calibrate the probability of certain morphosyntactic phenomena according to the quantifying force of nominal items or their readiness to serve as topics (hence the alternative label -givenness hierarchy). This conceptual tool enabled linguists to deal successfully with, among other things, Differential Object Marking (Company Company & Cuétara Priede 2008: 305-308;Schwenter 2014: 244-248;garcía garcía 2014) and case marking (Croft 1988: 163-164), etc. Here, its assumptions are going to be extended so that it shows how particular classes of nominal elements might vary in number: the higher the position of an item on the scale is, the more likely it is to evince singular vs. plural contrast.…”

Section: Typological Conflictsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Inflection – semantics interfaces in a typological setting: number and non-specific nominal items in Old Spanish legal codices

Nkollo¹,

Tkaczyk²

2015

Lingua Posnaniensis

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The present inquiry has been spurred by the observation of the morphological behaviour of humandenoting common nouns in Old Spanish codices (13th to 15th century). In spite of the fact that legal norms are designed to apply to an unrestricted number of potential addressees, this class of nominal items surfaces nearly exclusively in the singular, with plural forms being strongly underrepresented. A series of parameters converge to account for this form -function mismatch, thus revealing an essentially interdependent nature of linguistic mechanisms underlying it: type of inflection (inherent vs. contextual), text genre characteristics (distance pole vs proximate pole) and syntactic environment (conditional protases). The pervasiveness of the singular is traced back to non-specificity. Out of two mutually exclusive typological clines accounting for the likelihood of inflectional variation in noun morphology, Definiteness Hierarchy is given preference over degrees of animacy: non-specifically used items, even if highly ranked on animacy scale, are the least likely to surface as plural forms. Competing motivations are assumed to provide a suitable analytical framework to account for typological conflicts such as the one exemplified in Old Spanish legal codices.

show abstract

Differentielle Objektmarkierung bei unbelebten Objekten im Spanischen

Cited by 14 publications

References 0 publications

Differential Object Marking and discourse prominence in Spanish

Differential Object Marking and discourse prominence in Spanish

Shifting animacy

Inflection – semantics interfaces in a typological setting: number and non-specific nominal items in Old Spanish legal codices

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About