Differential Responsiveness in Europe: The Effects of Preference Difference and Electoral Participation

Peters, Yvette; Ensink, Sander J.

doi:10.1080/01402382.2014.973260

Cited by 113 publications

(87 citation statements)

References 43 publications

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“…As it grows more diverse, the minority group's members will fill the ranks of the middle class and fracture the interclass coalition against the rich. Second, even if the rich are a relative minority, a growing literature finds that policy making tends to react more strongly to the interests of the rich (Bartels 2015;Gilens 2012;Peters & Ensink 2015), implying that a (sufficiently sizable) rich minority would be politically strong even without an absolute majority. 3 In sum, I expect that higher ascriptive diversity, when reinforced by broader intergroup class differences, will dampen redistributive outcomes nonuniformly, concentrating primarily on (1) welfare programmes targeting the needs of the poor, and (2) universal access to programmes providing labour market protection.…”

Section: Theoretical Propositions: From Preferences To Redistributivementioning

confidence: 99%

Retracted: The heterogeneous effect of diversity: Ascriptive identities, class and redistribution in developed democracies

Yakter

2018

European J Political Res

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The current consensus among comparative political scientists postulates that diverse democracies redistribute less than do homogeneous ones. However, whereas homogeneous democracies do redistribute more on average, diverse democracies exhibit high variation in redistributive outcomes. Why does ascriptive heterogeneity stifle redistribution in some cases but not in others? In this article, it is argued that diversity undermines redistributive outcomes when identity groups differ more starkly in their income levels. More importantly, under these conditions, the policy outcomes are not uniform: rather than general cutbacks, richer groups selectively under‐prioritise benefits and access for poorer, minority‐heavy groups while keeping their own redistributive interests protected. The result is not simply less redistribution aggregately, but a more exclusionary and regressive welfare state that prioritises the special needs of better‐off identity groups. Empirical support is found in these hypotheses using macro‐comparative panel data on multiple redistributive aspects in 22 developed democracies in the years 1980–2011. The article thus outlines a conditional and more nuanced relationship between diversity and redistributive outcomes than commonly assumed, as well as several broader lessons for research of identity politics and social policy.

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Section: Theoretical Propositions: From Preferences To Redistributivementioning

confidence: 99%

Retracted: The heterogeneous effect of diversity: Ascriptive identities, class and redistribution in developed democracies

Yakter

2018

European J Political Res

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“…In turn, this trend taps into what in recent contributions have labelled 'differential responsiveness'. That is, the under-representation of the low-income groups in European democracies (Peters and Ensink 2015). To further test these ideas, our methodology could be applied to contemporary governments in other European countries.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Responsive to whom? A comparison of the Mitterrand and Hollande presidencies

Damhuis

Karremans

2017

West European Politics

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“…By measuring public opinion and policy status at the same point in time, this study analyzes the representation of public opinion in policy rather than (dynamic) policy responsiveness (e.g. Page and Shapiro 1983;Peters and Ensink 2015;Soroka and Wlezien 2010;Stimson et al 1995). The approach is equivalent or similar to those of other studies of congruence of public opinion with policy (Rasmussen et al 2018) and party positions (e.g.…”

Section: Electoral Rules and Party Systemsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…the group's views in policy -it partly explained the lower congruence of men found by Dingler and colleagues (2018). I follow Peters and Ensink (2015), who argue that turnout should be particularly unequal at low overall turnout rates and gradually equalize, and include a squared term of turnout at the last election before the previous year. I also control for democratic experience through the number of years for which a country has maintained a Polity IV score of at least +7.…”

Section: Control Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender and opinion–policy congruence in Europe

Reher

2018

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

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Does public policy in Europe reflect women’s preferences equally well as men’s? This study compares the opinions of women and men with concrete policy on a set of 20 issues across a diverse range of policy areas in 31 European countries. It shows that the majorities of men and women frequently prefer the same policy. However, when they disagree, men’s preferences are more likely to be represented. Neither the proportion of women in parliament nor the left–right orientation of the government explains variation in women’s policy representation. Instead, a higher number of parliamentary parties increase the likelihood that policy reflects women’s views. This effect does not seem to be driven by left-libertarian politics or Green parties, even though women’s stronger support for ‘new politics’ issues is an important source of disagreement between men and women.

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Differential Responsiveness in Europe: The Effects of Preference Difference and Electoral Participation

Cited by 113 publications

References 43 publications

Retracted: The heterogeneous effect of diversity: Ascriptive identities, class and redistribution in developed democracies

Retracted: The heterogeneous effect of diversity: Ascriptive identities, class and redistribution in developed democracies

Responsive to whom? A comparison of the Mitterrand and Hollande presidencies

Gender and opinion–policy congruence in Europe

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