Die Brigitte nun kann der Hans nicht ausstehen – Gebundene Topiks im Deutschen

Breindl, Eva

doi:10.37307/j.1868-775x.2008.01.04

Cited by 12 publications

(19 citation statements)

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“…In the post-initial position, nämlich is also traditionally assumed to have a causal meaning. In this position, it additionally exhibits a particular discourse eff ect that has been described in Breindl (2008) in terms of topic shift . Th is eff ect is responsible for the contrast between (6a) and (6b) in terms of the acceptability of nämlich in the post-initial position.…”

Section: Onea and Volodina ( 2009 )mentioning

confidence: 88%

Discourse Particles, Discourse Relations and Information Structure: The Case of Nämlich

Karagjosova¹

2011

Int Rev Pragmat

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The paper presents an analysis of the meaning and discourse effects of the German discourse particle nämlich that unifies its different readings and explains its distributional properties. I suggest that nämlich is most adequately analysed in terms of it indicating a specificational relation between its host and the preceding sentence, which in a question-based framework can be implemented as indicating an answer to a "specifying question", a discourse question requiring an answer that provides a more detailed description of some aspect of the preceding utterance. The analysis represents a refinement and extension of the question-based analysis of nämlich developed in Onea and Volodina (2009) where nämlich is analysed in terms of indicating that its host is a short answer to an implicit constituent question or a Why-discourse question. The approach I provide suggests solutions to several puzzles related to the distributional properties of nämlich.

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Section: Onea and Volodina ( 2009 )mentioning

confidence: 88%

Discourse Particles, Discourse Relations and Information Structure: The Case of Nämlich

Karagjosova¹

2011

Int Rev Pragmat

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“…In all these cases, prefield-es marks the break in discourse continuity. Similarly, it has often been shown that shifts of topics tend to be marked (see Givón 1983;Bestgen and Vonk 2000;Breindl, 2008;2011). Thus, the constraint represents a general principle of discourse organization.…”

Section: (20) Markbreak-vf: Mark Breaks In Discoursementioning

confidence: 92%

A southern German use of prefield-eses: Evidence from the corpus and an experimental study

Fricke

2020

Zeitschrift Für Sprachwissenschaft

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AbstractThere is a use of the German third person neuter pronoun es in the prefield, known as prefield-es, which is characterized by being neither referential, nor an argument of the verb. According to Speyer’s (2008, 2009) optimality theoretic prefield ranking, this should only occur if a sentence contains no alternative element eligible to be moved to the prefield. This paper investigates a so far unnoticed use of es in the prefield in combination with a demonstrative pronoun dies and a copula verb ist, which will be referred to as Es ist dies-sentence. This construction is an instance of prefield-es, but contravenes the expectations about the use of prefield-es postulated by Speyer, since Es ist dies-sentences do contain a suitable candidate to fill the prefield, the demonstrative pronoun dies. In a corpus study, Es ist dies-sentences are compared to a sample of Dies ist-sentences. According to the corpus data, Es ist dies occurs predominantly in southern dialects. Significant differences between the two samples concern 1) the distance to the antecedent of dies and 2) the type of content of the sentence. An online rating study, that compared acceptability judgments of Es ist dies-sentences between speakers from different regions, confirmed that Es ist dies-sentences are a phenomenon of southern dialects. In the light of these results, a modification of Speyer’s (2008, 2009) Stochastic OT model is proposed.

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“…'The thief wanted to take a hasty flight. *He # didn't succeed' (see Pasch et al 2003;Breindl 2008). This placement of adverbials in the position after the first constituent poses serious problems for German V2 (which would then appear to be V3).…”

Section:  Conclusionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The suggestion for a second function of medially placed stance and linking adverbials in the position after the first sentence constituent (a pre-posed adverbial or the subject; below labelled positions M1 and M2) 2 -and thus the differentiation of two different functions for medial placement of adverbials -was inspired by recent studies on the alleged topic emphasizing or topic shifting functions of Present-day German adverbial connectors in so-called Nacherstposition ('postfirst-position' , 'post-initial position'; cf. Pasch et al 2003;Breindl 2008;Onea & Volodina 2009;Onea & von Heusinger 2009).…”

Section: Information Structure and Syntactic Change: Introductory Remmentioning

confidence: 99%

Knitting and splitting information

Lenker

2014

Contact, Variation, and Change in the History of English

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After the fixation of English word order to SVO, adverbials have come to be the only flexible sentence constituent in unmarked sentences. So far, however, there has only been little research into the specific discourse functions of the different positions of adverbials. In an earlier study on the diachrony of English adverbial connectors (Lenker 2010), it emerged that medial instead of initial placement of connectors such as however or therefore is a relatively recent phenomenon, becoming more frequent in the Late Modern English period. In a pilot study on the discourse functions of linking and stance adverbials, the present chapter suggests that two different medial positions should be distinguished: in "post-initial position", these adverbials focus attention on the preceding elements (a frame-setting adverbial or a subject), similar to focus adverbs such as only or particularly. In the other medial positions, they function as discourse partitioners, highlighting the partition of topic and comment/focus material. This variation will here be seen as a response to the loss of verb-second in English, similar to other syntactic innovations such as unusual passives and stressed-focus clefts. * I would like to thank Peter Jitschin for his contributions to this chapter (see Jitschin 2012) and Anneli Meurman-Solin, an anonymous reviewer and the editors of this volume for their many most helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper.

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Die Brigitte nun kann der Hans nicht ausstehen – Gebundene Topiks im Deutschen

Cited by 12 publications

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Discourse Particles, Discourse Relations and Information Structure: The Case of Nämlich

Discourse Particles, Discourse Relations and Information Structure: The Case of Nämlich

A southern German use of prefield-eses: Evidence from the corpus and an experimental study

Knitting and splitting information

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