Dharma Power: Searching for Security in Postâ€“New Order Indonesia

Telle, Kari

doi:10.3167/sa.2009.530109

Cited by 19 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…In tactically substituting the KTP for alternative cards, warias made no pretense to be seizing control from the state. Like the appropriation of signs and insignia of affiliation produced by Hindu militia groups in Lombok described by Kari Telle, the cards were not designed to oppose the state but formed part of “a strategy for accessing and obtaining state recognition” (Telle 2009, 152). Although by no means as powerful as the cards made by Hindu militia, which claimed authority by drawing on powerful forms of religious and masculinist iconography, the documents produced by waria organizations were similar in that they were neither entirely asli (authentic) nor palsu (false).…”

Section: A Proliferation Of Cardsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Identity Cards, Semiotic Instability, and Signs of State Recognition for Indonesian Warias

Hegarty¹

2022

Visual Anthropology Review

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Following the authoritarian New Order in Indonesia (1965–1998) the state‐issued identity card was transformed into a symbol available for reproduction by ordinary citizens. One Indonesian transgender population known as warias used the card to engage with the terms of recognition offered by the state. In 2014, warias in Yogyakarta made organizational membership cards that closely mimicked but did not copy the visual form of the original. Warias efforts to expand the state's bureaucratic form through the manipulation of the symbolic and material qualities of cards raised the possibility that the state did not hold a monopoly over powers of recognition.

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Section: A Proliferation Of Cardsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Identity Cards, Semiotic Instability, and Signs of State Recognition for Indonesian Warias

Hegarty¹

2022

Visual Anthropology Review

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“…The main goals at the time were to promote devotion (pengabdian), solidarity (solidaritas) and nationalism (kerakyatan), all aligned with Pancasila, the state philosophy (Bangun 1994 traders to marketplaces in order to achieve Suharto's central goals of cleanliness (keberishan) and order (ketertiban). After the fall of the New Order in 1998, the constellation of rights and responsibilities began to shift because of two simultaneous processes: decentralization and democratization (Aspinall 2013;Telle 2009). Democratization has enabled civil society to grow stronger (Ford 2009;Hadiwinata 2004).…”

Section: Citizenship and Street Vendors: A Changing Landscapementioning

confidence: 99%

Sosialisasi, Street Vendors and Citizenship in Yogyakarta

Gibbings¹

2017

Citizenship and Democratization in Southeast Asia

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In 2006 and 2007, Pethikbumi (Pedagang Klithikan Mangkubumi), a group of street traders1 slated to be relocated to a newly renovated marketplace in Yogyakarta City, Indonesia, argued in government meetings and in the newspaper that the relocation plan was not clear (kurang jelas). The Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper reported that 'the leader of Pethikbumi, Akbar, said the concept developed by the municipal government regarding the relocation was not transparent (tidak transparan), especially with money…. "I also have asked for a detailed relocation concept but I haven't been given it,' said Akbar."2 In the months leading up to the relocation deadline of November 2007, Pethikbumi publically critiqued the municipal government's lack of proper sosialisasi (socialization) regarding its plans to relocate hundreds of traders to a marketplace through letters to the government, newspaper articles and public and private meetings. Proposed by then-mayor of Yogyakarta City, Herry Zudianto, the klithikan (second-hand trader) relocation would move street vendors from three locations in the city to a renovated former animal marketplace, Kuncen. The traders would gain clear legal status and be empowered to develop their businesses.3 The new marketplace was also pegged to become a tourist attraction because it would bring together in one location a variety of traders selling secondhand and antique merchandise (Pethikbumi meeting, personal communication, January 16, 2006). With this plan, the municipal government of Yogyakarta intended to follow the example of the mayor of Solo (now governor of Jakarta), Joko Widodo, who had 'successfully' relocated klithikan traders in

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“…In his memorable line about 'power serving pomp, not pomp power' , Geertz emphasized that performance is in fact integral to sovereign claims rather than being an epiphenomenon of them. Scholarship on figures of informal sovereignty has likewise noted the importance of performance, whether in terms of dress (Telle 2009), styles of speech (Chambert-Loir 1984), or bodily disciplines (Wilson 2002). In this work, many have noted that political communication by informal sovereigns very often takes place through an appropriation and selective display of the visible signs of power, drawn both from the repertoire of charismatic authority (amulets, tattoos and so on) and from the repertoire of the modern state (uniforms, titles, organizational structures).…”

Section: The Role Of Spectacle and Audiencementioning

confidence: 99%

From ‘Men of Prowess’ to Religious Militias

Barker¹

2016

Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia

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Recent scholarship on Africa, South Asia, and Latin America has sought to theorize twenty-first-century governance by highlighting the importance of 'informal sovereignties' , unofficial or privatized domains of authority that operate within and alongside domains under formal state control. Analyses of Southeast Asian cases have been notably absent from this work, despite a long regional tradition analysing the centrality of figures of informal authority. This article revisits Southeast Asian analyses in light of scholarship on 'informal sovereignties' , identifying three qualities that set these analyses apart from comparable work on other regions of the world: their focus on patterns of perennialism in the cultural idioms of informal sovereignties; their view that informal sovereignties can only be understood through their historical relations to the modern state and the market; and their emphasis on the fragility of sovereign power and the importance of spectacle and performance in shoring it up. The article argues that, taken together, these elements provide a culturally and historically contextualized approach for analysing contemporary informal sovereignties, including those religious militias that have garnered much attention in recent years.

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Dharma Power: Searching for Security in Postâ€“New Order Indonesia

Cited by 19 publications

References 10 publications

Identity Cards, Semiotic Instability, and Signs of State Recognition for Indonesian Warias

Identity Cards, Semiotic Instability, and Signs of State Recognition for Indonesian Warias

Sosialisasi, Street Vendors and Citizenship in Yogyakarta

From ‘Men of Prowess’ to Religious Militias

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