Deponency in finite and nonfinite contexts

Grestenberger, Laura

doi:10.1353/lan.2018.0034

Cited by 19 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…the case of *peh2-and *i̯ eh2-). I have discussed this observation elsewhere (Grestenberger 2016) in more detail.…”

Section: 8mentioning

confidence: 87%

“…Lavidas andPapangeli 2007, Zombolou andAlexiadou 2014b on Ancient to Modern Greek). I have argued elsewhere (Grestenberger 2014a, Grestenberger 2016) that deponency is indeed linked to the way voice morphology is instantiated in "Greek-type" languages, but cannot discuss this here for reasons of space.12 The main goal of this paper is to show that Proto-Indo-European, as a language with a syncretic, bivalent voice system, had deponent verbs, and that these can be reconstructed using the usual tools of the comparative method. Deponents are found at every diachronic stage of languages that have a "syncretic" active/non-active voice system.…”

Section: (13) Definition Of Deponencymentioning

confidence: 96%

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Reconstructing Proto-Indo-European Deponents

Grestenberger¹

2016

Indo Eur Linguist

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This paper argues that the Proto-Indo-European voice system, despite undergoing several waves of morphological renewal on the way to the daughter languages (Jasanoff 2003), was typologically that of early IE languages like Vedic and Greek, and contemporary languages such as Modern Greek, and that the syncretic voice systems of these languages share the property of having deponents. While previous discussions of middle-only verbs have focused on a few morphologically archaic but semantically unsurprising middles, I show that PIE also had agentive, syntactically active middles that escaped the expected remodeling as formally active verbs and surface as deponents in the IE daughter branches. Reconstructing verbs with “unexpected” voice morphology may seem counter-intuitive, but is necessary to cover the empirical facts and may also serve as a diagnostic for the relative chronology of the morphological innovations that occurred in the domain of PIE voice morphology.

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“…the case of *peh2-and *i̯ eh2-). I have discussed this observation elsewhere (Grestenberger 2016) in more detail.…”

Section: 8mentioning

confidence: 87%

Section: (13) Definition Of Deponencymentioning

confidence: 96%

Reconstructing Proto-Indo-European Deponents

Grestenberger¹

2016

Indo Eur Linguist

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“…The "verbal adjective" in -t-(-t-ó-m./n., t-ḗ f.) selects roots and forms state-denoting adjectives, as illustrated in As these examples show, -t-treats thematic and athematic verbs alike in attaching to the root and ignoring any verbal stem-forming material, including theme vowels as in column c. Assuming that this stem-forming material realizes v, this affix can therefore be used as a diagnostic for the presence vs. absence of v-more precisely, it seems to be in complementary distribution with verbalizers. (13a) gives the proposed structure of -t-verbal adjectives, based on the analysis of their Modern Greek descendants by Alexiadou et al (2015), who argue that -t-selects (eventdenoting) roots and spells out stative aspect (thus also Anagnostopoulou 2003;Anagnostopoulou & Samioti 2014;Grestenberger 2018;Calabrese 2020;etc.). Given that it only selects the root to the exclusion of any verbal stem-forming morphology, the examples in Table 10 suggest the same structure for AG verbal adjectives in -t-.…”

Section: Additional Arguments For V Ii: Nonfinite Formsmentioning

confidence: 99%

To <em>v</em> or not to <em>v</em> ? Theme vowels, verbalizers, and the structure of the Ancient Greek verb

Grestenberger

2022

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper offers a Distributed Morphology analysis of verbal theme vowels and primary verbal stem-forming morphology in Ancient Greek (AG). While verbal stem-forming morphemes are standardly analyzed as realizing Aspect in AG, I propose that both the inherited simple thematic and the athematic verbal stem-forming morphology of AG patterns as verbalizing morphology (v) according to a variety of diagnostics proposed in the literature, in particular idiosyncratic selectional properties of roots and the ability to form denominal and deadjectival verbs. Complex thematic suffixes moreover have the same distribution as simple thematic suffixes. These three classes of verbs (simple thematic, complex thematic, athematic) differ from synchronically denominal and deadjectival verbs, whose nominal stem-forming morphemes later became verbalizers in Modern Greek. This paper thus provides clear diagnostics for distinguishing between synchronically denominal, root-derived, and verbal-stem derived verbs in AG and morphologically similar languages. It also provides further evidence that verbal theme vowels occupy the same structural position and have broadly the same Aktionsart properties as other types of verbalizing morphology, contributing to the debate on the functional/semantic content of theme vowels in general.

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“…A third possibility would be to analyse antipassives in a similar fashion to so-called deponent verbs known from various Indo-European languages (verbs which have an agent subject but obligatorily surface with non-active morphology). Grestenberger (2014Grestenberger ( , 2018 argues that the subjects of deponents are introduced lower than agents in general, in a position below the Voice layer. Proposing a similar structure to antipassives would certainly have a major advantage: one could main- approach-ins "John is trying.…”

Section: Excursion: a Finer-grained Syntax And Semanticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Grammaticalization without Feature Economy

Halm

2020

DIA

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The present paper is a corpus-based study of the Voice Cycle in Hungarian. Based on data from the Old Hungarian Corpus and the Hungarian Historical Corpus, I will argue that while in Old Hungarian, middle voice was encoded through a separate inflectional paradigm (contextual allomorphy in the subject agreement suffix conditional on the feature content of a silent Voice head), in Modern Hungarian, middle voice is encoded through dedicated middle voice suffixes (i.e., the Voice head is spelled out overtly). I will claim that the underlying grammaticalization process involved the reanalysis of frequentative suffixes (v heads) as middle voice suffixes (Voice heads). I will show that this reinterpretation was not based on shared abstract features, but rather, on a principled correlation between middle voice and frequentative aspect: since some types of middles (antipassives and dispositional middles) were more likely to be associated with a frequentative or habitual reading than actives, frequentative suffixes were susceptible to reanalysis as middle suffixes in the course of language acquisition. I will thus claim that in addition to Feature Economy (van Gelderen 2011), reinterpretation based on correlation between featurally independent grammatical markers should also be regarded as a mechanism of grammaticalization.

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Deponency in finite and nonfinite contexts

Cited by 19 publications

References 34 publications

Reconstructing Proto-Indo-European Deponents

Reconstructing Proto-Indo-European Deponents

To <em>v</em> or not to <em>v</em> ? Theme vowels, verbalizers, and the structure of the Ancient Greek verb

Grammaticalization without Feature Economy

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