Degree inversion and negative intensifier inversion in the English DP

Troseth, Erika

doi:10.1515/tlir.2009.002

Cited by 9 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…In order to derive the marked order [N A], first, an adjective in the high zone moves up, deriving the structure in (41b), and then the remnant phrase, which contains the noun, moves to the left of the raised adjective, as in (41c). 8 8 The movement in (41b) seems to be attested in the English construction where a DegP headed by the degree word too occurs with a singular indefinite article (Troseth 2009), as seen in (i). Troseth shows that such a fronted modifier must be predicative, which means it must be base-generated in the high FP zone.…”

Section: The Restriction On the Specificity Of The Whole Nominalmentioning

confidence: 97%

Nominal-internal phrasal movement in Mandarin Chinese

Zhang

2015

The Linguistic Review

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In Mandarin Chinese, the phrasal modifier or complement of a noun, usually followed by the functional element de, may occur either between a classifier and the noun, or at the left edge of the whole nominal, preceding a (demonstrative)-numeral-classifier string. The latter order exhibits many restrictions and thus is marked. Some of the restrictions are similar to the restrictions on the marked nominal-internal order in English. This paper argues that the marked order in Chinese is derived by a phrasal movement. The movement analysis is supported by the hierarchy of nominal-internal elements, the Superiority Condition effect, the Crossing-Over-Nesting effect, and island effect. This movement analysis is able to explain certain restrictions on the marked order, with respect to the types of modifiers, the readings of the same modifier, and zheyang 'such' at the left edge. The analysis also provides a possible account for the absence of nonspecific readings and the impossibility of de-stranding for the marked order.

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Section: The Restriction On the Specificity Of The Whole Nominalmentioning

confidence: 97%

Nominal-internal phrasal movement in Mandarin Chinese

Zhang

2015

The Linguistic Review

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“…Whatever feature triggers the DegP inversion, the one that more/less carries is different from the others (cf. Troseth 2004). In addition, observe the behaviour of enough: The analysis has to guarantee both the movement of the degree item enough in the postadjectival position and then movement of the word in the Spec of a higher functional projection.…”

Section: Functional Projections and Movement Analysesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(COCA NEWS NewYorkTimes) Whatever feature triggers the DegP inversion, the one that more / less carries is different from the others (cf. Troseth 2004). In addition, observe the behaviour of enough : If that's not [a good enough excuse], he has others.…”

Section: Functional Projections and Movement Analysesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Big Mess Construction: interactions between the lexicon and constructions

Kim

Sells

2011

English Language and Linguistics

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The so-called Big Mess Construction (BMC) (e.g. so prominent a punctuation), introduced by a limited set of degree words, places an adjectival expression in the predeterminer position. In movement approaches, such idiosyncratic properties of the BMC have been attributed to the interaction of functional projections and movement operations, whereas in surface-oriented analyses focus has been placed on the supposition of special constructions and their constructional properties. In this article, we show that neither of these two previous perspectives captures the variations and flexibility of the construction in question satisfactorily. Our approach adopts the view that degree words are functors selecting their head, and attributes the peculiarities to the interactions between the lexical properties of the degree items and the constructional constraints in question.

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“…This differs from the canonical order, in which APs follow the determiner, as in a very good bargain, and is only possible -or required -if the nominal is introduced by the indefinite article, and if the AP is introduced by one of a small set of degree markers, including so, how, as and that. 2 Treatments of the BMC are provided, among others, in Bolinger (1972), Bresnan (1973), Berman (1974), Zwicky (1995), Ginzburg & Sag (2000), Kennedy & Merchant (2000), Van Eynde (2007), Troseth (2009), Kim & Sells (2011), Kay & Sag (2012) and Arnold & Sadler (2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Regularity and idiosyncracy in the formation of nominals

Eynde¹

2018

J. Ling.

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This paper explores the interaction of regularity and idiosyncracy in the formation of nominals. It treats both nominals whose formation is highly regular, such as red box, and nominals whose formation is rather idiosyncratic, such as the Big Mess Construction (bmc; so good a bargain) and the Binominal Noun Phrase Construction (bnpc; her nitwit of a husband). Both the bmc and the bnpc conform to productive patterns, but the proper place of those patterns in the grammar as a whole is not easy to identify. To rise to the challenge, we build on recent developments in Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar and the more formally inclined strands of Construction Grammar. Taking a cue from the treatment of clausal constructions in Ginzburg & Sag (2000), we develop a bi-dimensional hierarchy of nominal phrase types, in which the regular nominals inherit their properties from independently motivated higher types, while the idiosyncratic nominals are characterized by a mixture of inherited and inherent properties. The resulting treatment is sufficiently flexible to deal with the subtle interaction between the regular and the idiosyncratic, and sufficiently rigorous to be falsifiable. It is also compared with alternative treatments.

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Degree inversion and negative intensifier inversion in the English DP

Cited by 9 publications

References 7 publications

Nominal-internal phrasal movement in Mandarin Chinese

Nominal-internal phrasal movement in Mandarin Chinese

The Big Mess Construction: interactions between the lexicon and constructions

Regularity and idiosyncracy in the formation of nominals

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