A seeming dichotomy of positions towards police reform within the literature exists. On one side, there is the position of evidence based policing and efficiencies within policing budgets and, on the other, police abolition, which seeks to dismantle dominant policing agendas. In this article, we use Ben-Moshe's framework to situate the police reform within two operating categories; reformist and non-reformist ideologies, always exploring arguments of community groups and policing scholars towards police practices. Our objective is to reveal the dialectic relationship that shapes both ontologies through non-empirical research, each position toward police reform appearing to rely on the legitimacy derived from the other. We argue the two positions work towards a similar goal in the Canadian context, specifically to change the nature of policing toward being more inclusive, responsive, and proactive in contributing to public safety.The policing crisis emerged in the 1980s, with public recognition of police as the physical embodiment of the state's ability to mitigate social harms and police, themselves, struggling with their own identity (Reiner, 2010). With each paradigm or political shift in society, police must adapt, always providing public safety while responding operationally to the differing agendas of key societal groups. A duality emerges in their role -is it to be a public police service oriented toward enforcing the law, or are police responsible first for mitigating the broad array of social troubles within any society? Challenges lace contemporary policing, as systemic racism, gendered based violence, police militarization, racial profiling, police use of force, and inflating policing budgets are just of the items underpinning the demand for police reform. Police abolitionist scholars and community activist groups argue community safety and wellness can be achieved without police involvement