Defence and Japan’s Constitutional Debate

Choong, William

doi:10.1080/00396338.2015.1026100

Cited by 6 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…Enabling Japan to possess this right, he argued, would simply provide an additional option for Japan to defend herself (Kitaoka, 2013, 93). Similar arguments have been echoed by Choong (2015), who believed that Japan's possession of the right of collective self-defence would contribute to regional security, but he pointed out that the main concern was the doubts and distrusts of the neighbouring East Asian countries in relation to Japan's security gesture (Choong, 2015, 188).…”

Section: Debate On 'Normalization' and Constitutional Revisionmentioning

confidence: 79%

A Comparative Study of the National Security Initiatives of the Koizumi and the Second Abe Administrations

Samantha¹

2023

Japan From Koizumi to Abe

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This research conducts a study of the national security strategies introduced by the Koizumi administration (2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006) and the second Abe administration (2012-). Based on the common themes of 'normalization', constitutional revision, in particular Article 9 and the right of collective self-defence, it examines through the theory of neoclassical realism how and why the national security initiatives of the two administrations are different in their extent of normalization of Japan. This dissertation has argued, using the approach of neoclassical realism, it was with the primary forces of international structural factors, together with the influence of domestic variables, that contributed to the enactment of the national security initiatives of Japan in different extent during the Koizumi and the second Abe administrations. Findings from the comparative study of the two administrations showed that the international environment surrounding Japan in the second Abe administration was more precarious with a heightened sense of threat perception than that of the Koizumi administration. The China threat and the North Korea threat was much

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Section: Debate On 'Normalization' and Constitutional Revisionmentioning

confidence: 79%

A Comparative Study of the National Security Initiatives of the Koizumi and the Second Abe Administrations

Samantha¹

2023

Japan From Koizumi to Abe

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“…With the approval of the Atomic Energy Basic Act (1955), Japan reinitiated its nuclear development research from the period of the Pacific War, yet now for peaceful purposes. Even so, Kishi declared in 1957 that the Constitution did not veto the possession of nuclear weapons, an official interpretation which has been maintained by different administrations since then (CHOONG, 2015).…”

Section: The Cold Warmentioning

confidence: 99%

Japan

Oliveira¹

2019

Rev. Carta Inter.

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This article seeks to demonstrate that Japan throughout time has made gradual adjustmentsthroughout time to increase its military capacities, in order to regain autonomy in relation toits defence. With this process of “adjustment”, without constitutional reforms, Japan presentlypossesses military capabilities that are similar to those of the primary global powers in termsof budget, technologically advanced military resources, manpower, and it masters the entirecycle for the production of a nuclear weapon. In an unstable regional scenario, entwinedwith the rise of threat to Japan’s strategic and economic security and with the increase of thepossibility of being abandoned by the United States, what is preventing Japan in claimingits defence autonomy and taking collective security actions? The first part of this reflectionintroduces some concepts that indicate the contradictions, paradoxes, and fundaments thatunderpin the construction of the Japanese security identity. The second part concentrates onthe analysis of the tendency of revision or of reinterpretation of the Japanese Constitutionwith regards to possessing Armed Forces as a foreign policy instrument.

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“…With the occupation by the U.S. armed forces, the nuclear programme was discontinued by orders from General MacArthur in 1946, who mandated the total deactivation of nuclear research and the destruction of nuclear particle accelerators (Kurosaki 2018, 106). With the beginning of the Cold War and the Korean War, in spite of the article 9 of the Japanese constitution, -a clause of renunciation of war which had been imposed by MacArthur, -the U.S. began to press systematically for the Japanese rearmament, as it began to realize the country's weakness, as well as the need to halt Soviet and Chinese advances (Pyle 2007;Cha 2009Cha /2010Choong 2015). Simultaneously, the U.S. authorized the Japanese weapon production and returned its military installations, thereby creating conditions for the revitalization of the Japanese economy and advancement of dual technology (Drifte 1986;Coulmy 1991).…”

Section: The Japanese Nuclear Developmentmentioning

confidence: 99%