Decolonization by Referendum: The Anomaly of Niger and the Fall of Sawaba, 1958–1959

Abstract

This article deals with the 1958 referendum that the French held in Niger to gain approval for the Fifth Republic and reorganization of their empire. It reassesses the French record in Niger, where more people voted ‘No’ – in favour of immediate independence – than in other territories, except Guinea. It does this on the basis of research on the history of the Sawaba movement, which led Niger's autonomous government until the plebisicite. It shows that the French forcibly intervened in the referendum to realize a ‘Yes’ vote and preserve Niger for their sphere of influence after independence in 1960. In detailing the violence and manipulation of the referendum and its aftermath, the article criticizes a revisionist viewpoint which disputed the significance of French intervention. The analysis draws on research on the Sawaba movement, benefiting from insights of social history into the grassroots forces in the nationalist movements of the 1950s. It discusses the historiography of Niger's referendum in relation to new archival sources and memoirs, drawing parallels with other territories, notably Guinea. It concludes that France's interventions in 1958 are crucial for understanding the long-term consequences of the transformations of the independence era.

Janus-faced activists: the social and political embeddedness of civil society in Niger

“…The postcolonial constitution of 1960 first provided for a multiparty system, with two large unions emerging: the student union Union des Scolaires Nigériens (USN), and the workers’ union Union Nationale des Travailleurs du Niger (in 1978 it was renamed Union des Syndicats des Travailleurs du Niger (USTN)). However, through the elimination and co-optation of political opponents, Niger – with the help of France, which was interested in the country's uranium deposits – soon turned into an authoritarian regime (van Walraven 2009). Despite authoritarian rule and regular government attempts at co-optation, repression or material distribution, the unions, and the USN in particular, formed the nation's de facto political opposition, at least until 1983, when violent clashes left the movement paralyzed for several years (Smirnova 2019).…”

Contemporary Civil-Military Relations in the Sahel

“…Hamani Diori, the first president of Niger, owed his rise to power to France's electoral rigging in his favour during the last election prior to independence. Thus, Diori never enjoyed much legitimacy to begin with (van Walraven, 2009;Jouve, 1978). Chad's first president, Ngarte Tombalbaye, pursued economic policies in favour of the Christian south and to the disadvantage of the Muslimdominated north.…”

Dis/ordering politics: urban riots and the socio-political configuration of contemporary Niger

“…Two large unions emerged, the students' Union des Scolaires Nigériens (USN) and the workers' Union Nationale des Travailleurs du Niger (UNTN) (renamed the Union des Syndicats des Travailleurs du Niger (USTN) in 1978). However, through the elimination and co-optation of political opponents and labour unions, and with the help of France which was interested in the country's uranium deposits in the Northern region of Agadez, Niger soon became an authoritarian regime (van Walraven 2009). During the colonial era, France had transfered the captial from Zinder to Niamey, favouring western Nigerien belonging and Zarma ethnicity over eastern Nigerien populations.…”