2012
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9655.2012.01793.x
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Deadwood and paternalism: rationalizing casual labour in an Indian company town

Abstract: This article is based upon ethnographic research in the Indian company town of Jamshedpur, in the Tata Motors and Telcon companies. I relate the local shift towards casual labour since the 1990s to managerial discourses that rationalize this development. I argue that whilst flexible accumulation may represent a global transformation of employment regimes, the local implementation of this process relies upon a discursive continuity with the past. Referencing a historical language of cultural poverty, predominan… Show more

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Cited by 40 publications
(31 citation statements)
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“…Gone too are the days when it was a realistic aspiration for that daily-wage worker's son to get a regular job in the plant. The situation of Bhilai contract labourers is quite different from that of the cheap flexible workforce that Sanchez (2012) has recently described for the Tata truck factory in Jamshedpur. While the latter are overwhelmingly the 'wards' (usually the sons) of existing workers who serve as long-term 'apprentices' in the frustrated hope that the company will eventually honour its promise of appointing them to a permanent post, the former can have no such expectations.…”
mentioning
confidence: 78%
“…Gone too are the days when it was a realistic aspiration for that daily-wage worker's son to get a regular job in the plant. The situation of Bhilai contract labourers is quite different from that of the cheap flexible workforce that Sanchez (2012) has recently described for the Tata truck factory in Jamshedpur. While the latter are overwhelmingly the 'wards' (usually the sons) of existing workers who serve as long-term 'apprentices' in the frustrated hope that the company will eventually honour its promise of appointing them to a permanent post, the former can have no such expectations.…”
mentioning
confidence: 78%
“…Indeed, if “a defining feature of contemporary capitalism is the corporate response to critique” (Benson and Kirsch :462), then a “human economy” has begun to declare itself from unlikely vantage points as well. Anthropologists have critiqued these trends in accounts of how a giant open‐pit mine in Indonesia (which dumps 160,000 tons of tailings into the ocean every day) sponsors Paolo Freire–inspired participatory‐development projects that promote organic pesticide‐based farming and composting—an absurdity not lost on its participants (Welker ); of how corporate claims to social responsibility (Benson ; Rajak ) and cultural and social “depth and connectedness” (Rogers ) are a means to forestall criticism and protect markets; of how the casualization of labor in an Indian company town is legitimized through evocations of a dwindling corporate paternalism (Sanchez ); and about how Nestlé's strategy of selling cheap instant noodles to the “bottom of the pyramid” poor, some of whom are beginning to wean their babies with the product, supposedly lifts them out of “poverty and desperation” while also turning corporate profit (Errington et al ).…”
Section: On Capital and How We Can Know Itmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet their shared use of the term does point toward our increased attunement to how a set of factors, including increased economic uncertainty (Cho ; Holt Norris and Worby ; A. A. Johnson ; Prentice ; Razsa and Kurnik ; Sanchez ), the loss of state (and corporate) provisioning (Adams ; Hamdy ; Holt Norris and Worby ; Mains ), and “massive violence, marginalization, and injustice; environmental devastation and industrial recklessness; stunning hubris and shrill ignorance” (Fortun :459) have eroded not just labor and the state but also the possibility of life itself. Precarity, in short, is a shorthand for those of us documenting the multiple forms of nightmarish dispossession and injury that our age entails.…”
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confidence: 99%
“…The Jungle Raj discourse which builds upon these troubling facts is essentially a provincialising one, which argues that many of Bihar and Jharkhand's problems in this regard are both a symptom and expression of a localised culture of violence. As was frequently articulated to me by metropolitan Indians and the mainly Bengali management cadre of local Tata industry, Biharis and Jharkhandi Adivasis had violence and sectarianism in their blood (Sanchez 2010). The region's problems with crime were therefore as much a matter of passion as they were of planning, and as such were liable to resist the well meaning authority of central government.…”
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confidence: 94%